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This thesis examines the argument that the Republic of Korea-United States Status of Forces Agreement (ROK-U.S. SOFA) affords greater immunities and protections to U.S. service personnel than does the Japan-U.S. SOFA. One significant source of tension for Korean-American relations over the years has been the belief of many Koreans that Japan is given greater authority to prosecute SOFA incidents because A) the Japan-U.S. SOFA is written to Japan's advantage and B) the United States unfairly favors Japan in the application of SOFA Criminal Jurisdiction. This thesis will test the accuracy of those beliefs. It will do this by first comparing the formal provisions in the SOFAs with the two countries. It will then compare their application in high-profile SOFA-related crimes and accidents over the past two decades both in South Korea and Japan to identify any possible pattern of inequity. By comparing the language of both SOFAs today with examples of how the United States has applied that language, this thesis finds that the language and application SOFA Criminal Jurisdiction provisions have changed to favor Korea today compared to Japan. This thesis also finds that the application in both countries has changed to give more deference to Host countries. / Master of Arts

This thesis seeks to explain Argentine and Chilean approaches to modern Pan-Americanism. It offers several significant contributions to the historiography of Pan-Americanism and Southern Cone policymaking. First, it provides a sweeping overview of Pan-Americanism as a form of regional cooperation from 1888 to 1930, gathering the various strands of Pan-American history and forming a coherent overall narrative. It introduces a two-dimensional analytical framework for understanding Pan-American cooperation as a whole. The 'first dimension' included efforts to regulate the political relationships in the Americas while the 'second dimension' was more technical, social, cultural, and commercial. Within this framework, the approaches of two participant countries (Chile and Argentina) are closely examined in parallel. Attitudes towards the US, geopolitical calculations, and economic considerations – the basis of most historical interpretations – form part of the explanation, but this thesis presents a more complicated set of actors, influences, and ideas. Inspired by the methodology of Foreign Policy Analysis and recent studies in modern regionalism, the second half of the thesis deconstructs Pan-American policies. It examines four patterns that emerged through research: changes in the organization of policymaking, the influence of non-state actors and public opinion, the rise of intermestic strands of Pan-Americanism, and the role of ideas in international relations. Each pattern is analyzed and fully substantiated using evidence selected from the narrative and supplemented by wider research. Referencing models from multiple disciplines, the chapters reveal how different actors and objectives (including stemming social crisis, gaining prestige, and demonstrating commitment to democratic governance) influenced policy at different moments. Ultimately, this thesis emphasises the interplay of factors and suggests that unpacking Pan-Americanism has implications for understanding Latin America's role in international history and modern regionalism in the Americas.

Approved for public release; distribution in unlimited. / The role of Latin America in U.S. foreign policy has ebbed and flowed for over 100 years. Over the last 15 years, the relationship between the United States and Latin America has seen a precipitous drop in both cooperation and cordiality. The amicable relationships that the United States once enjoyed with Brazil and Venezuela specifically have become acrimonious. With the United States' increased interest in completing a Free Trade Area of the Americas agreement by January, relations with Brazil are vital. The United States' continued dependence on imported petroleum from Venezuela and America's concern over Venezuela's growing relationship with Cuba make this country also important to U.S. foreign policy. The thesis focuses on the United States' ability to use its cultural influence (soft power) to positively effect U.S. relations with Brazil and Venezuela. By analyzing past and present effects of U.S. cultural influence in these two countries, the U.S. can better understand and appreciate the influence it wields as the world's only remaining super power. This thesis finds that despite historic evidence, the U.S. has had and continues to have a propensity to use soft power influence tactically, diminishing the effectiveness of its innate power and influence as being the global leader in military, economic, cultural, and technological matters. Conversely, the U.S. attempts to use its hard power (military and economic) strategically, thereby only breeding anti-Americanism globally. / Lieutenant Commander, United States Navy

Made available in DSpace on 2016-04-27T19:31:06Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 1 Ibere Moreno Rosario e Barros.pdf: 3539715 bytes, checksum: bf4a006b200b3253afd7f4cfba9ac5b2 (MD5) Previous issue date: 2015-03-20 / Coordenação de Aperfeiçoamento de Pessoal de Nível Superior / This research analyzes the representation of the american soldiers as an image of the role model to the latin-americans. In this perspective, that the speech presented in the texts and images of the analyzed publication is part of the Good Neighbor Policy, it can be disclosed in the debate around the representation transmited and the internal influences that build it. The investigation arrises from the observation of the 48 editions of Em Guarda, the magazine published between 1941 and 1945, by the Office of the Coordinatior of Inter American Affairs. Starting from a quantitative analysis, in which it was identified the relapses, some of the editions were picked, based on the soldiers thematic, and the texts and imagens were put under a qualitative analysis. Understanding that this soldiers were presented as Heros-Citizen-Soldiers, the work focused on the debate of this concept, from the founding myth of being americans, and as a reference to the image of the cowboy. By this measures, its possible to understand some process and intentions of the americanization of the continent / Esta pesquisa se propõe a analisar a representação dos soldados americanos como a imagem de indivíduo modelar para os latino-americanos. Dentro da perspectiva de que o discurso apresentado na publicação analisada, tanto das imagens como dos textos, é parte da Política de Boa Vizinhança, pode-se desdobrar sobre a representação transmitida e as influências internas que a construíram. A problematização surge a partir observação das 48 edições da revista Em Guarda, produzida entre 1941 e 1945, pelo Office of the Coordinator of Inter American Affairs. A partir de uma análise quantitativa, na qual foram identificadas as reincidências, realizou-se uma seleção e uma análise qualitativa das imagens e textos então categorizados como parte da temática do soldado. Compreendendo que esses soldados são apresentados como Heróis-Soldados-Cidadãos, passou-se a trabalhar com o conceito, retomando questões desde os mitos fundadores do ser americano, se centrando na imagem do cowboy. Possibilita-se assim a compreensão de alguns pontos dos processos e das intenções da americanização por todo o continente

Submitted by Filipe dos Santos (fsantos@pucsp.br) on 2017-01-12T12:36:17Z No. of bitstreams: 1 Agatha Arianne de Assis Justino.pdf: 1446273 bytes, checksum: 07502df55adb3d6a1962de8363b10579 (MD5) / Made available in DSpace on 2017-01-12T12:36:17Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 1 Agatha Arianne de Assis Justino.pdf: 1446273 bytes, checksum: 07502df55adb3d6a1962de8363b10579 (MD5) Previous issue date: 2016-12-12 / This research project analyzes the television show Manhattan Connection, currently shown on the cable channel, Globo News. The format of the program it’s centered on the debates between presenters Lucas Mendes, Caio Blinder, Diogo Mainardi, Ricardo Amorim and Pedro Andrade. Their discussions are mainly about the North American and Brazilian news. We work with the hypothesis that the crisis triggered by the September 11, episode would have repercussions on the self-perception of the American nation, reducing their male ideals, understood as imaginary attributes of the dominating hero. Inseparably from this first hypothesis, we suppose that this reduction would be seen in the fall of the quality of the debates, which tends to the dialogue of the deaf, and in the irony of the debaters about themselves. The research corpus covers programs from 1993 to 2014. The selection prioritized the debates regarding critical moments in the recent history of the United States, such as the attack on the World Trade Center, the economic crisis of 2008 and the lawsuits they chose Barack Obama President. At first, the survey offers a panorama of the Brazilian media and television culture, exploring the history of the vehicle and, especially, how manly Americanism has established itself as the basis for programs like Manhattan Connection. The theoretical basis of this project turns to an analysis of the television language, with the support of scholars like Eugênio Bucci, Muniz Sodré, Artlindo Machado and Maria Rita Kehl. The research also involves readings on the representation of virility and the values of the virile hero, in this case Pierre Bordieu, Elisabeth Badinter and Socrates Nolasco. Recent studies on American history and sociology are also explored, especially those proposed by Slavoj Zizek and Noam Chomsky. The project is relevant due to the lack of work on the program, although it has remained in the air since 1993 and to propose a Brazilian view of North American life, based on the daily and direct experience of the country by most of its journalists / O presente projeto de pesquisa visa a analisar o programa de televisão Manhattan Connection, exibido atualmente pelo canal Globo News. O formato do programa privilegia o debate e traz os apresentadores Lucas Mendes, Caio Blinder, Diogo Mainardi, Ricardo Amorim e Pedro Andrade discutindo os principais assuntos dos noticiários norte-americanos e brasileiros. Trabalhamos com a hipótese de que a crise deflagrada pelo episódio do 11 de Setembro teria repercussão sobre a autopercepção da nação norte-americana, abatendo-lhe os ideais “viris”, entendidos como atributos imaginários do herói dominador. Inseparavelmente da primeira hipótese, supomos ainda que esse abatimento se deixaria ver na queda da qualidade dos debates, que tende ao diálogo de surdos, e na autoironia dos debatedores. O corpus da pesquisa abrange nove programas exibidos entre 1993 e 2014. A seleção priorizou os debates referentes a momentos críticos da história recente dos Estados Unidos, como o atentado ao World Trade Center, a crise econômica de 2008 e os pleitos que elegeram Barack Obama presidente. Em um primeiro momento, a pesquisa oferece um panorama da mídia e cultura televisiva no Brasil, explorando a história do veículo e, principalmente, como o americanismo viril se estabeleceu como base para programas como Manhattan Connection. A base teórica deste projeto se volta a uma análise da linguagem televisiva, com o apoio de estudiosos como Eugênio Bucci, Muniz Sodré, Artlindo Machado e Maria Rita Kehl. A pesquisa envolve ainda leituras sobre a representação da virilidade e dos valores do herói viril, neste caso com Pierre Bordieu, Elisabeth Badinter e Sócrates Nolasco. Também são explorados estudos recentes sobre a história e a sociologia americana, especialmente aqueles propostos por Slavoj Žižek e Noam Chomsky. O projeto é relevante pela inexistência de trabalhos sobre o programa, apesar de se manter no ar desde 1993 e de propor uma visão brasileira da vida norte-americana, a partir da experiência direta e cotidiana do país pela maioria de seus jornalistas

Made available in DSpace on 2016-12-23T14:32:59Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 1 Consideracoes Finais.pdf: 12626 bytes, checksum: 4ff9fc99c6d66dfba678102aa8698f0d (MD5) Previous issue date: 2007-07-27 / In this research, the spotlights are aimed on the historical years between 1959 and 1967, with the main purpose of showing the scenic arrangements of the installation, organization and performance of a Rotary Club in a geographical scenery that was in mutation phase. That territory, formerly denominated Promised Earth or Canaan of the Industry, was soon substituted by the nomenclature Steel Valley .The partners founders of that first Rotary Club conceived themselves as foreigners from the Canaan of the State of Minas that emanated "milk and honey". Native from another lands, they met each other and they were met in order to form a service club in the Nacional Valley of Redemption, but with intense institutional entails to an international corporation. Organized under the doctrine of the interest well understood, the associated agents, each one, with his composition and capital volume, of economic, cultural, social, symbolic or political nature, they allowed, through the mechanism of capital convertibility, to concentrate, in the regional community, a power, capable to produce real effects without apparent waste of energy. As a voluntary and oligarchical association, this service club was, in a way, a institutional vehicle, in the local sphere, of appropriation, incorporation, reproduction and diffusion of visions of world of the ideological corpus of International Rotary. / Nesta pesquisa, os holofotes estão apontados sobre os anos históricos, compreendidos entre 1959 e 1967, com a finalidade última de mostrar os arranjos cênicos da instalação, organização e atuação de um Rotary Club num cenário geográfico que se encontrava em fase de mutação. Esse território, outrora denominado Terra Prometida ou Canaã da Indústria, foi logo substituído pela nomenclatura Vale do Aço. Os Sócios fundadores desse primeiro Rotary Club conceberam-se como forasteiros da Canaã do Estado de Minas que emanava leite e mel . Originários de outras terras, encontraram-se e foram encontrados para formarem um clube de serviço no Vale da Redenção Nacional, mas com fortes vínculos institucionais a uma corporação internacional. Organizados sob a doutrina do interesse bem compreendido, os agentes associados, cada qual, com sua composição e volume de capital, sejam eles de natureza econômica, cultural, social, simbólico e/ou político, que permitiu, através do mecanismo de convertibilidade de capital, potencializar, na comunidade regional, um poder capaz de produzir efeitos reais sem dispêndio aparente de energia. Como uma associação voluntária e oligárquica, esse clube de serviço foi, em alguma medida, um veículo institucional, na esfera local, de apropriação, incorporação, reprodução e difusão de visões de mundo do corpus ideológico do Rotary Internacional.

A tese estuda a evolução histórica do atitude multilateral do Brasil. Parte da noção que o multilateralismo é um aspecto significativo da política externa brasileira, desde as primeiras conferências internacionais dos países americanos, que começam ainda no fim do século XIX. Em tempos recentes, na Liga das Nações, mas sobretudo nas Nações Unidas, a importância das instituições multilaterais só fez crescer. O estudo parte, no ângulo teórico, da perspectiva de que o multilateralismo tem uma lógica própria e que, ao aceitá-la, o comportamento diplomático dos Estados deve naturalmente estar em sintonia com o que aquela lógica impõe. A concepção de John Ruggie apóia a parte teórica da tese e sustenta o seu objetivo central, que é o de procura definir o que seriam constantes do comportamento multilateral do Brasil. Procura-se mostrar que suas origens estariam nas reações que a diplomacia brasileira teve ao Pan Americanismo, se fixaram com nossa participação na II Conferência da Haia, quando, com Ruy Barbosa, defendemos que as instituições multilaterais deveriam estar fundadas na igualdade entre os Estados e com a aspiração a uma participação influente nos processos decisórios internacionais, expresso recentemente com a aspiração a um lugar permanente no Conselho de Segurança das Nações. / The thesis studies the evolution of Brazil´s multilateral attitude. It accepts the notion that multilateralism has been a meaningful aspect of Brazilian foreign policy since the first conferences of American States, a series of international gatherings that began at the end of nineteenth century. From them on, after the creation of the League of Nations and, specially, the United Nations, the importance of multilateral institutions for Brazil has grown consistently. From the theoretical perspective, the thesis accepts the idea that multilateralism is defined by a singular logic and States, when working in multilateral institutions, are bound by that logic. John Ruggie´s conception of nultilateralism supoorts that idea and frames the main goal of the thesis, that is, a investigation of the constant patterns of Brazil´s multilateral behavior. The origins of those patterns could be identified in the diplomatic reactions to the challenges of the Pan American conferences. But, the patterns became more evident during our participation in the II Peace Conference (Hague, 1907) when our delegation, headed by Ruy Barbosa, advocated the understanding that necessary foundation of the multilateral institutions is the equality among States. Another constant is the Brazilian wish to have a more influential participation in the decision making process of the international institutions, as today shown in our aspiration to occupy a permanent seat at the Security Council of the United Nations.

Despite his importance as a senior Al-Qaeda spokesman, no detailed examination exists of Adam Yahiye Gadahn’s employment of fiqh al-jihad—that branch of Islamic jurisprudence regulating the lawful waging of jihad—to condemn or condone violence committed in the name of Al-Qaeda. This article first provides a detailed exposition of Gadahn’s sharia-based critique of affiliates’ conduct deemed by him in violation of Islamic law and involving the commission of major sins. Second, Gadahn’s conception of fiqh al-jihad is contextualized and contrasted with the comprehensive fiqh al-jihad-based critiques produced by respected militant Islamist scholars. A key finding here is that Gadahn (unlike these scholars) illicitly truncates the application of fiqh al-jihad with the result that he demands sharia-compliance when criticizing intra-Islamist violence yet ignores sharia-compliance when targeting America and Americans. Third, reasons are considered for this incoherent application of fiqh al-jihad and attempted Islamic legalization of anti-American mass casualty terrorist attacks. Finally, the discussion concludes with implications for counter-Al-Qaeda strategy.

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