This thesis analyzes the Turkish press coverage of the bombings in Istanbul on November 15 and 20, 2003. The general tendencies of the Turkish press in presenting the events are analyzed and comparisons between the coverage by a number of selected Turkish dailies that are known to be affiliated with different political views are made. The specific presentations of the Istanbul bombings by different dailies is analyzed in the context of the political debates in Turkey as these are reflected by papers of varying political views. Moreover, the analysis of the press was used to interpret Turkish politics on such issues as anti-Americanism, attitudes towards the AKP government and Islamism with reference to the specific positioning of the different political camps in Turkey, on the issue of the November 2003 Istanbul bombings.

This thesis focuses on the use of metaphor in characterizing the alleged enemies of Christianity and Americanism during the 1920s, 1930s, and 1940s. A summary of influential political, social, and religious events during the time period examined and biographical profiles precede a metaphoric analysis of the rhetoric of three far-right spokeswomen. The anti-Catholic rhetoric of Alma White, Bishop of the Pillar of Fire Church, the anti-Communist rhetoric of Elizabeth Dilling, suburban crusader of the Mothers' movement, and the anti-Semitic rhetoric of Marilyn Allen, Anglo-Israelite reactionary, provide the data for analysis. The metaphoric analysis reveals that Catholics, Communists, and Jews are portrayed as "Supreme Evil" and "Supreme Threat" in the metaphors of the three women. By labeling Catholics, Communists, and Jews as evil the rhetors attribute negative value judgements which have the potential to trigger strong emotional reactions in auditors. By claiming that Catholics, Communists, and Jews threaten religious and political freedom in America, the rhetors encourage suppression of, and violence against, members of these groups. Additionally, four common attitudes and values which underlie the metaphors are delineated and their salience to Fundamentalists, reactionaries, and members of the far right is illustrated. Finally, change in the metaphors over the thirty-year time span is reexamined. The findings support more similarities than differences in specific allegations of evil and threat, and in the emotional tone of the metaphors.

This thesis examines the argument that the Republic of Korea-United States Status of Forces Agreement (ROK-U.S. SOFA) affords greater immunities and protections to U.S. service personnel than does the Japan-U.S. SOFA. One significant source of tension for Korean-American relations over the years has been the belief of many Koreans that Japan is given greater authority to prosecute SOFA incidents because A) the Japan-U.S. SOFA is written to Japan's advantage and B) the United States unfairly favors Japan in the application of SOFA Criminal Jurisdiction. This thesis will test the accuracy of those beliefs. It will do this by first comparing the formal provisions in the SOFAs with the two countries. It will then compare their application in high-profile SOFA-related crimes and accidents over the past two decades both in South Korea and Japan to identify any possible pattern of inequity. By comparing the language of both SOFAs today with examples of how the United States has applied that language, this thesis finds that the language and application SOFA Criminal Jurisdiction provisions have changed to favor Korea today compared to Japan. This thesis also finds that the application in both countries has changed to give more deference to Host countries. / Master of Arts

Approved for public release; distribution in unlimited. / The role of Latin America in U.S. foreign policy has ebbed and flowed for over 100 years. Over the last 15 years, the relationship between the United States and Latin America has seen a precipitous drop in both cooperation and cordiality. The amicable relationships that the United States once enjoyed with Brazil and Venezuela specifically have become acrimonious. With the United States' increased interest in completing a Free Trade Area of the Americas agreement by January, relations with Brazil are vital. The United States' continued dependence on imported petroleum from Venezuela and America's concern over Venezuela's growing relationship with Cuba make this country also important to U.S. foreign policy. The thesis focuses on the United States' ability to use its cultural influence (soft power) to positively effect U.S. relations with Brazil and Venezuela. By analyzing past and present effects of U.S. cultural influence in these two countries, the U.S. can better understand and appreciate the influence it wields as the world's only remaining super power. This thesis finds that despite historic evidence, the U.S. has had and continues to have a propensity to use soft power influence tactically, diminishing the effectiveness of its innate power and influence as being the global leader in military, economic, cultural, and technological matters. Conversely, the U.S. attempts to use its hard power (military and economic) strategically, thereby only breeding anti-Americanism globally. / Lieutenant Commander, United States Navy

Despite his importance as a senior Al-Qaeda spokesman, no detailed examination exists of Adam Yahiye Gadahn’s employment of fiqh al-jihad—that branch of Islamic jurisprudence regulating the lawful waging of jihad—to condemn or condone violence committed in the name of Al-Qaeda. This article first provides a detailed exposition of Gadahn’s sharia-based critique of affiliates’ conduct deemed by him in violation of Islamic law and involving the commission of major sins. Second, Gadahn’s conception of fiqh al-jihad is contextualized and contrasted with the comprehensive fiqh al-jihad-based critiques produced by respected militant Islamist scholars. A key finding here is that Gadahn (unlike these scholars) illicitly truncates the application of fiqh al-jihad with the result that he demands sharia-compliance when criticizing intra-Islamist violence yet ignores sharia-compliance when targeting America and Americans. Third, reasons are considered for this incoherent application of fiqh al-jihad and attempted Islamic legalization of anti-American mass casualty terrorist attacks. Finally, the discussion concludes with implications for counter-Al-Qaeda strategy.

This dissertation aims to investigate how the United States of America emerges as a model nation in the official discourse of the Empire of Brazil, through the analysis of the Ministerial Reports issued by the Secretary of State for Empire Business (Secretaria de Estado dos Negócios do Império) between 1832 and 1888, year in which the last Ministerial Report was presented to the Legislative General Assembly, a year before the Proclamation of the Republic which led to the adoption of the US federal system that marked the moment thereafter the country started to be called United States of Brazil. We based our analytical effort on the hypothesis that the representations of that country which can be found in the above-mentioned documents stem from a mythified image of the United States, which comes, for the most part, from the reading practices of Ministers as well as General Inspectors of Primary and Secondary Instruction. / Esta dissertação tem como objetivo investigar o modo como os Estados Unidos da América emergem como nação-modelo no discurso oficial do Império do Brasil, através da análise dos Relatórios Ministeriais emitidos pela Secretaria de Estado dos Negócios do Império entre os anos de 1832 e 1888, data em que é apresentado à Assembleia Geral Legislativa o último Relatório Ministerial referente ao período imperial, a um ano da proclamação da República, que acarretou a adoção do sistema federativo norte-americano, a partir do qual o país passou a se chamar Estados Unidos do Brasil. Norteou nosso esforço de análise a hipótese de que as representações daquele país encontráveis nos documentos enunciados assentam-se numa imagem mitificada dos Estados Unidos, resultante, em sua maior parte, das práticas de leitura dos Ministros e Inspetores Gerais da Instrução Primária e Secundária do Império; isto é, as representações daquele país que subjazem ao discurso desses agentes do governo provinham principalmente dos escritos a que tiveram acesso.

土耳其於1952年透過北大西洋公約組織的框架與美國建立同盟關係，在這層合作關係下，土耳其內部卻存在著非常濃厚的反美主義。本研究的目的之一即了解此合作關係下為何存在反美主義情形。研究採用文獻分析法，同時蒐集美國、土耳其智庫民意研究數據，描述土耳其反美主義之變動情形，與了解土耳其對美國之認知。 本研究首先討論何謂反美主義與柔性平衡，並回顧冷戰至歐巴馬時期的土耳其-美國雙邊關係。研究發現土耳其國內在小布希與歐巴馬時期中仍有強烈反美主義之存在，且土耳其國內對威脅的認知與美國不同。本文選用伊拉克戰爭與聯合國安全理事會1929號決議為個案，說明土耳其在反美情緒下之柔性平衡。在國內層次擁有反美主義的狀態下，土國政治菁英需要回應民意需求，因此政府有誘因選擇在國際層次上柔性平衡美國，作為國內層次上民意壓力之宣洩口。將來國際間中等國家對美國的柔性平衡是否增加，甚至形成一集團平衡美國，為未來研究可關注的焦點。 / U.S.-Turkey alliance started from 1952 through the North Atlantic Treaty Organization. With this cooperative relationship, however, the existence of Anti-Americanism atmosphere in Turkey was high. One of the research purpose of this study was to realize how this partnership and Anti-American sentiment could coexist. In order to understand this condition, Document Analysis has been used to this study. Also, American and Turkish think-tanks’ public opinion researches served as a description to describe changes in Turkish Anti-Americanism and an illustration to illustrate the perceptions of Turkey. This study first discusses what are “Anti-Americanism” and “Soft Balancing”. It then reviews Turkish-American relations from the Cold War to Obama period. This study finds that in Bush and Obama years, strong Anti-American sentiment still existed in Turkey. Moreover, the two countries have very different perceptions of external threats. The Iraq War and United Nations Security Council Resolution No.1929 are case studies in this thesis. It elaborates how Turkey “soft balance” United States in the international level while strong Anti-American sentiments were intense in domestic level. The middle powers’ soft balancing strategies or the emergence of a potential Anti-U.S. alliance could be research hotspots to focus on in the future.

The purpose of this study was to examine the peculiarities of framing of the United States in selected Belarusian newspapers during first six months of the Obama administration. The concepts of anti-Americanism, authoritarian model of mass media and framing were chosen as a theoretical framework. This study was focused on the two main questions: first, what is the difference in how Belarusian state-run and independent newspapers frame the U.S., and second, what is the mechanism of creating negative image of the U.S. in Belarusian newspapers. In order to provide comprehensive answers to both questions the multi-method approach (involving methods of content and framing analysis) was chosen. As this study demonstrated, the state-run and independent newspapers present a very different image of the U.S.: state-run newspapers present the U.S. within a scope of strong negative frames. However, the picture in the independent newspapers is the opposite: out of four general frames three were positive and one was neutral-positive. The results of the content analysis showed that negative images of the United States do not necessarily have to be promoted through direct judgmental statements, but could rather be initiated by means of selecting certain negative facts for publication, often from unidentified sources. By concentrating their attention on crime, natural catastrophes, manipulating statistical data, omitting sources of information and selecting foreign experts who are critically inclined against the U.S media create a negative image of the United States.

The purpose of this study was to examine the peculiarities of framing of the United States in selected Belarusian newspapers during first six months of the Obama administration. The concepts of anti-Americanism, authoritarian model of mass media and framing were chosen as a theoretical framework. This study was focused on the two main questions: first, what is the difference in how Belarusian state-run and independent newspapers frame the U.S., and second, what is the mechanism of creating negative image of the U.S. in Belarusian newspapers. In order to provide comprehensive answers to both questions the multi-method approach (involving methods of content and framing analysis) was chosen. As this study demonstrated, the state-run and independent newspapers present a very different image of the U.S.: state-run newspapers present the U.S. within a scope of strong negative frames. However, the picture in the independent newspapers is the opposite: out of four general frames three were positive and one was neutral-positive. The results of the content analysis showed that negative images of the United States do not necessarily have to be promoted through direct judgmental statements, but could rather be initiated by means of selecting certain negative facts for publication, often from unidentified sources. By concentrating their attention on crime, natural catastrophes, manipulating statistical data, omitting sources of information and selecting foreign experts who are critically inclined against the U.S media create a negative image of the United States.

This thesis named "Anti-Americanism and Canadian Cultural Policy (1928-1957)" examines how Canadian federal government cultural policies were influenced by a specific form of anti-Americanism, which reflected concerns over Americanization and cultural absorption by the United States, in this formative period for the development of a distinct national identity during the time of Canada's colony-to-nation transition. The chosen research design is interpretative content analysis of the reports of two Canadian royal commissions commonly known as the Aird Commission (1928-1929) and the Massey Commission (1949-1951). The aim of this thesis is to identify the main factors and incentives for a policy of government intervention in the field of culture and to assess the role of anti-Americanism as a response to what was perceived as American cultural invasion that threatened the development of a distinct Canadian culture. The theoretical framework contains a discussion about different forms of anti-Americanism, with emphasis on its unique nature in Canada, and introduces the concept of cultural imperialism which helps us to better understand Canadian opposition to American cultural influences in the examined period.