Orientador: Adolfo Ramos Lamar. / Dissertação (Mestrado em Educação) - Programa de Pós-Graduação em Educação, Centro de Ciências da Educação, Universidade Regional de Blumenau, Blumenau.

This thesis intends to demonstrate the radical potential of rights. I argue that rights are capable, on the one hand, of challenging capitalist social relations and the liberal legal order which sustains those relations, and, on the other hand, of constituting a new political system. I argue that without reconceptualising rights in this manner, we are unable to comprehend certain social movements which employ the language of rights for challenging the existing systems and for articulating transformative visions of a new world. This thesis suggests that we need to rethink rights as political alliances and agreements and rights-claims as political proposals between co-citizens. Here, the content of rights is formulated through a political action of the rights-holders themselves, as opposed to being derived from the pre-political sphere. Furthermore, I argue that our understanding of the scope of these political proposals and, hence, our understanding of the nature of the new order that rights can potentially constitute, depends on the way we conceptualise the conflictual dimension of rights-claims. It is the notion of a rights-claim as a challenge to the constituted order, as opposed to a petition to be included within that order, which captures how rights inaugurate a radical discursive space where potentially transformative political proposals regarding the matters of collective life can be made. Throughout this thesis I refer to a transnational movement of peasants, La Via Campesina, which fights for a new socio-political arrangement where ‘feeding the world’ is the end in itself rather than a dictate of the capitalist market. Crucially, this movement makes extensive use of the language of rights and of ‘the right to food’ in particular. I argue that it is only the radical theory of social rights constructed in this thesis that allows us to analyse the transformative core of the movements like this one.

O presente trabalho tem por objeto uma reflexão sobre a importância da educação e da vida pública na preservação e no cuidado com o mundo humano e comum. Iniciando com algumas questões que tangenciam diálogos de compreensão de nosso presente, realizamos uma abordagem sobre o legado deixado pelos antigos sobre o cosmos humano e a noção de mundo comum em Hannah Arendt, a partir do modelo da polis grega e da fundação romana. Em seguida, delineamos alguns aspectos da moderna negação do mundo e da noção de mundo deserto que nela se instaura e se expande especialmente com a ascensão do totalitarismo na Europa do século XX. No Epílogo da obra A Promessa da Política, Arendt apresenta um texto marcado pela metáfora do deserto, onde o que predomina é o nada e o ninguém, formulando alguns questionamentos acerca da moderna expansão da ausência de mundo que nos levam necessariamente para outras obras da autora, tais como A Condição Humana, Entre o Passado e o Futuro, Responsabilidade e Julgamento e As Origens do Totalitarismo. Esboçando alguns traços do que pode representar educar em um mundo deserto, buscamos, finalmente, realçar a importância de se realizar uma reflexão sobre o sentido da educação como formação para o viver comum. Como observa Arendt na obra Entre o Passado e o Futuro - um mundo comum - no qual decidimos, através da educação, se o amamos o bastante para salvá-lo da ruína, assumindo com isso a responsabilidade por ele. Educar em um mundo deserto pode representar uma importante contribuição no sentido de uma possível transformação da negação do mundo, metaforicamente delineada por Arendt como o mundo deserto, numa afirmação do mundo humano / Lo scopo di questo lavoro è una riflessione sulla importanza della formazione e della vita pubblica per la conservazione e la cura del mondo umano e comune. A partire da alcune questioni che dialoghi tangenti della nostra comprensione di questo, abbiamo condotto un imbarco sulla eredità lasciata dagli antichi sul cosmo e il mondo umano, del senso comune in Hannah Arendt, dal modello della polis greca e le fondazioni romane. Poi abbiamo delineare alcuni aspetti della moderna negazione del mondo e della nozione di mondo deserto che sia stabilito e si espande in particolare con l\'aumento del totalitarismo del XX secolo in Europa. Nel Epilogo del libro La Promessa della Política, Arendt presenta un testo marcato dalla metafora del deserto, in cui ciò che prevale è niente e nessuno, formulando alcune domande circa l\'espansione moderna della mancanza di mondo che ci portano necessariamente ad altre opere dell\'autore, come La condizione umana, Tra passato e futuro, Responsabilità e giudizio e Le origini del totalitarismo. Delineare alcuni dei tratti che possono rappresentare educare in un mondo deserto, cerchiamo in definitiva sottolineare l\'importanza di condurre una riflessione sul significato dell\'istruzione e della formazione per vivere insieme. Come osserva Arendt nel libro Tra passato e futuro - un mondo comune - in cui abbiamo deciso, attraverso l\'educazione, se amiamo abbastanza da salvarlo dalla rovina, portando con sé la responsabilità per questo. Educare in un mondo deserto, può rappresentare un importante contributo per una possibile trasformazione della negazione del mondo, metaforicamente descritto dalla Arendt come il mondo del deserto, l\'affermazione del mondo umano.

In the broadest sense, the three essays that form this dissertation address certain normative features in John Locke’s philosophy. “On Revolution: Arendt, Locke, and Republican Revisionism” deals with Hannah Arendt’s early republican revisionism that removes Locke’s influence from the American revolutionary period. Her (mistaken) belief is that Locke’s political philosophy encourages social disengagement and political apathy. In “One Body of People: Locke on Amerindians, Protestant Evangelism, and the Colonization of North America” I take seriously Locke’s religious devotion and reassess his colonial philosophy through an “evangelical” lens. It turns out his colonial thought was not motivated by “punishment” but by a perceived collective good. In “Friends in the State of Nature: John Locke and the Formation of Security Communities,” I explore the routinely overlooked fact that Locke characterizes humans as highly sociable and prone to friendship. To be sure, friendship and trust not only exist in the state of nature, they are what precipitate the contractual movement into civil society. This is particularly relevant given the fact that the realist tradition within International Relations almost reflexively characterizes the relationship between states as one of ruthless self ­interest. The way Locke speaks about the formation of political communities is highly reminiscent of “security communities,” a term popularized by Karl Deustch in the late 1950s, which describes groups of people who have integrated to such an extent that conflict can be managed in nonviolent ways. Locke characterizes the international community both in terms of moral communities (where different regions of the world share different values), and also in terms of economic communities of varying degrees of interdependence.

The aim of this study is to understand the situation of Rohingya through the concept of statelessness and to illustrate the importance of citizenship in relation to human rights. The Rohingya minority has for a long period of time been victims of violence and discrimination by the Myanmar government and military. In 1982, all Rohingyas were deprived their Myanmar citizenship through a domestic law, which is in conflict with international human rights law. Various military operations, attacks, and attempts have been made to drive the Rohingya population out of the country. Consequently, as of 2019, nearly one million stateless Rohingyas are living in overcrowded camps in neighbouring Bangladesh. By applying the philosophical understandings and conceptualisations of Hannah Arendt and Giorgio Agamben, this study seeks answers to how it is possible to perform such acts of breaching human rights. Furthermore, a number of official conventions and principles are analysed to seek answers to how the international community are obligated to act prior, during, and after atrocities on humanity are performed. The main findings of this study are that these acts of violence have been possible due to the Rohingya populations’ statelessness. The sustainable development goals aim to ‘leave no one behind’ and several universal documents and principles are in place to protect humanity from such atrocities. Nevertheless, the international community has clearly failed when it comes to protect the Rohingya population. One important and significant step towards preventing future genocides and ethnic cleansings has been identified through this study – all individuals need to be ensured their fundamental human rights.

Critical social workers seek to practice in empowering ways with marginal groups and to transform power relations in organisations and society generally. This thesis explores how Foucault's theorising has been used by Australian critical social workers to think about power and empowerment practice. However there are many authors who contest that Foucault's theorising is useful for any kind of liberatory thinking or practice. This makes the use of Foucault's insights on power to re-formulate empowerment practice contestable. In this study I aim to draw distinctions between aspects of Foucault's work that can make a contribution to empowerment practice and those aspects that do not or cannot assist critical social workers to think about empowerment. To draw these theoretical distinctions is particularly timely, as the term

Dans ce mémoire, nous voulons étudier la position du philosophe dans le monde commun chez Hannah Arendt. La vie contemplative qui le caractérise le place-t-il dans une position qui le détacherait du monde commun et qui pourrait légitimer une certaine supériorité? Nous commencerons par introduire le concept central de monde commun en rapport avec la menace totalitaire. En effet, le monde est un espace où les citoyens peuvent partager, échanger, communiquer en toute égalité de droits. C'est cet espace qui permet de poser des actions et donc d'être libres. Ensuite, dans un deuxième chapitre, nous étudierons la vision que Arendt a de la philosophie traditionnelle et plus particulièrement de l'histoire de la supériorité de la vie contemplative. Elle remarque deux principaux dangers à cette position soit le fait que cela rend le penseur inactif et que cela le conduit à une sorte de solipsisme ou isolement du monde. Puis, après avoir montré ce que notre auteure rejetait, c'est-à-dire la position de supériorité du philosophe professionnel, nous tenterons, dans un troisième et dernier chapitre de montrer ce que pourrait être la position «acceptable» du philosophe dans le monde commun. Pour ce faire, nous nous rapporterons aux études que Arendt avait faites de la pensée elle-même, contenues principalement dans les deux premiers tomes de La vie de l'esprit et dans les cours sur la philosophie politique de Kant qu'elle avait donnés et qui sont publiés à la fin de ce même ouvrage. Car pour étudier ce que pourrait être la position du philosophe, il faut voir ce qui se passe quand on pense et comment cela peut faire partie des activités au sein du monde commun. C'est principalement chez Kant que Arendt trouvera ce dont elle a besoin pour faire de la pensée -et donc des penseurs -un élément essentiel de la vie démocratique. Nous verrons qu'elle reprenait principalement la faculté d'imagination, la distinction entre Savoir et Raison et l'importance de la faculté de juger. Puis, nous terminerons en montrant comment Socrate pourrait devenir, dans cette mesure, un modèle de penseur-citoyen, d'un philosophe qui n'est pas hors du monde, mais qui au contraire s'y maintient et s'en nourrit. ______________________________________________________________________________ MOTS-CLÉS DE L’AUTEUR : Philosophie, Hannah Arendt, Naissance, Monde commun.

In light of the notions of freedom, legitimacy, equality, autonomy, plurality, publicity and action in the philosophies of Rousseau and Arendt, it can be seen that formal democracy, having ceased to be the expression of the sovereignty of the people, fell into a legitimacy crisis and has become a system which makes the people apolitical. Behind these problems, there are many reasons like the ethical deficiency of the monetarist system, deputies&rsquo / abuse of authority and tyranny of the majority. The facts in question have pushed philosophers to re-think the fundamental concepts underlying democracy and search for new conceptions of democracy. Nevertheless, it seems that no political model can succeed unless the people reach a certain level of ethical maturity. In this context, we are confronted with two models: liberal deliberative model which is criticized for giving negative rights priority over the process of public will-formation, and Habermas&rsquo / proceduralism which is based on the theory of discourse ethics. Habermasian democracy&mdash / which, contrary to majoritarianism, assumes the consent of all people as the basis of legitimacy&mdash / has goals like intersubjective understanding through rational justification and consensus in an ideal speech situation. Although it has criticizable sides, being the most appropriate account for our understanding of democracy ethics, which considers politics as a part of being human rather than a matter of governance, proceduralism can be defended with the contributions of Benhabib and Young. In the end, the point is making ethics of democracy prior to political models for re-politization of the people.

Thesis (B.A.)--Haverford College, Dept. of Political Science, 2003. / Includes bibliographical references.

Since 2009 thousands of Eritreans, as well as other, sub-Saharan migrants have become victims of human trafficking in the Sinai Peninsula. These occurrences are linked to the newly coined notion of “Sinai Trafficking” which has been labeled as a new form of human trafficking. According to reports, released or escaped victims have disclosed information regarding collusion between traffickers and Egyptian security forces. Further, there have been reports that trafficking victims from the Sinai are put in detention centers, prisons and police stations in Egypt and are often charged or prosecuted for crimes committed in their capacity as victims of trafficking. Although Egypt is bound to respect and uphold its international law obligations national criminal law concerning human trafficking, the continuation of the situation in Sinai has demonstrated an unwillingness or inability to prevent, suppress and punish the crime. Consequently, the purpose of this thesis is to examine and interpret international law as well as Egypt’s national criminal legislation and policies, pertaining to human trafficking, to determine if there are any inadequacies or gaps in the international legal framework with regards to human trafficking or if it’s rather Egypt’s implementation of the law that is faulty. Moreover, a human rights perspective, relevant theories, literature related to the conceptual framework of human trafficking, the status and treatment of non-nationals and securitization of migration will be applied. With regards to the international law on human trafficking, it has been assessed that there are some inadequacies in relation to protection and support granted to trafficking victims. Egypt, has adopted relevant international instruments concerning human trafficking. Further, Egypt has enacted national legislation that corresponds to the Anti-Trafficking Protocol, which might indicate that it is not Egypt’s national legislation that is inadequate and rather that the international law concerning human trafficking. Increasingly restrictive immigration laws, policies and States conduct towards migrants indicate that migration has been securitized. The Egyptian authorities conduct and approach towards migrants could indicate that Egypt has securitized the migration issue. Further, the difficulty to distinguish smuggled migrants from trafficking victims could result in the possibility of trafficking victims being criminalized. The world of today remains globalized and thus the political order that follows and its accompanying conceptual and subsequent legal framework of human trafficking as an organized crime contributes to the trafficking situation in Sinai as well as to human trafficking in general.