Using a feminist approach in a postcolonial setting, the interactions between weaving, identity, gender, tourism development, and post-colonial history are explored. This ethnographic research is focused on the indigenous female weavers in Wulai, Taiwan who have experienced both colonialism and tourism development. During Japan’s occupation, the Atayal – one of twelve indigenous groups in Taiwan – were forced to abandon their most important socio-cultural activities: facial tattooing, headhunting, and weaving. The Atayal lost most of their original textiles because many of them were taken to Japan. Today, these textiles are preserved in a few Japanese museums. Meanwhile, in Taiwan, the Atayal’s textiles are now reconstructed by the hands of some indigenous women in Wulai who weave primarily for museums. Others, on the other hand, weave for domestic tourists although they have little success in competition with less expensive Han Chinese' factory-made woven products. The reintroduction of weaving not only required the Atayal weavers to retrace their weaving history and to reconstruct and revive lost skills but also opened up a new opportunity to create new motifs with imported looms. The reintroduction of weaving has had multiple effects on the Atayal community. The meaning of weaving has changed from the representation of the Atayal women’s gender identity alone to the representation of the Atayal’s collective ethnic identity as a whole. Now the Atayal proudly claim their weaving culture as a part of their ethnic identity. It has become an ethnic symbol and a tourism product. However, the indigenous residents of Wulai are now barely involved directly with tourism business although symbols of their identity are used to promote tourism.

Using a feminist approach in a postcolonial setting, the interactions between weaving, identity, gender, tourism development, and post-colonial history are explored. This ethnographic research is focused on the indigenous female weavers in Wulai, Taiwan who have experienced both colonialism and tourism development. During Japan’s occupation, the Atayal – one of twelve indigenous groups in Taiwan – were forced to abandon their most important socio-cultural activities: facial tattooing, headhunting, and weaving. The Atayal lost most of their original textiles because many of them were taken to Japan. Today, these textiles are preserved in a few Japanese museums. Meanwhile, in Taiwan, the Atayal’s textiles are now reconstructed by the hands of some indigenous women in Wulai who weave primarily for museums. Others, on the other hand, weave for domestic tourists although they have little success in competition with less expensive Han Chinese' factory-made woven products. The reintroduction of weaving not only required the Atayal weavers to retrace their weaving history and to reconstruct and revive lost skills but also opened up a new opportunity to create new motifs with imported looms. The reintroduction of weaving has had multiple effects on the Atayal community. The meaning of weaving has changed from the representation of the Atayal women’s gender identity alone to the representation of the Atayal’s collective ethnic identity as a whole. Now the Atayal proudly claim their weaving culture as a part of their ethnic identity. It has become an ethnic symbol and a tourism product. However, the indigenous residents of Wulai are now barely involved directly with tourism business although symbols of their identity are used to promote tourism.

This thesis analyses the current development of indigenous rights in Taiwan based on a study of the Atayal community of Smangus in Hsinchu County. The research focuses on a case study of the Smangus Beech Tree Incident, a legal case related to the use of wood　from a wind-fallen tree. The case began in 2005, the same year that Taiwan passed the Indigenous Peoples' Basic Law. The events are also placed in the broader context of the　modern indigenous rights movement which had its beginnings in Taiwan in the early 1980s and the more than century long history of conflict between the Atayal and the state. Smangus has developed a unique community with a cooperative system of management that draws from both the Atayal tradition and ideas from the modern world. Ecotourism is the main economic foundation for the community. The development of Smangus and their assertion of their rights in the Smangus case provides an example of how indigenous peoples can regain greater control over the lands which they consider to be their traditional territory. The thesis then looks at co-management of Aboriginal-owned national parks in Australia. The final chapter considers how the co-management model could be adapted in Taiwan and gives recommendations for policy makers.

Thesis (Ph. D.)--University of Hawaii at Manoa, 2004. / Includes bibliographical references (leaves 539-582).

Thesis (Ph. D.)--University of Hawaii at Manoa, 2004. / Includes bibliographical references (leaves 539-582). / Also available by subscription via World Wide Web / xxiv, 582 leaves, bound in 2 v. 29 cm

Taiwan’s Indigenous Peoples, Austronesian speakers with cultural ties to other Pacific Islanders, have encountered waves of outside political, cultural and economic forces. While their political situation has markedly improved with Taiwan’s democratization, their social and economic marginalization remains an issue. Reflecting recent shifts in Taiwan towards more human-centered, post-modern development policies, Atayal People of Jianshi Township have started a movement promoting community values and the transition to organic farming. This paper explores this transition and the work of the Jianshi “Farmers’ Academy.” Their aims are to collectivize organic agricultural production, transportation and marketing, promote and share traditional crops and knowledge as well as connect spread-out villages through shared culture, education and development. Situated in the broader contexts of Alternative Food Networks and Alternative Economic Spaces, which are typically explored in Western contexts, and Alternative Development (typically explored in the developing world), this qualitative research examines these marginalized communities’ efforts to formulate a grassroots model of culturally and environmentally sustainable development. The findings suggest that the people in the research area are choosing organic farming for various economic and non-material factors as many of their livelihood goals are culturally bound, outside the purview of conventional macroeconomic theories and critical of mainstream capitalist practices, thus supporting a more locally informed, pluralistic concept of economic development.

臺灣礦業採掘有關的政治環境衝突往往被概念化為治理問題。也就是說，治理政策產生的衝突，是由於礦業採掘活動中「收益分配、政治參與、透明度和原住民社區的就業機會」等四個指標。然而，在治理層面忽略了原住民族長期受到邊緣化的歷史過程以及持續接受殖民的統治的治理模式，因此本文的主要論述是， 礦業採掘活動有關的政治環境衝突並非源自 “治理” 問題， 而更重要的是，此問題本身超越了現行的政治體制架構，因為國家、礦業採掘公司、原住民部落之間在土地議題上顯現出不同的本質觀點，雙方在政治體制的範圍上，以及文化、社會體系上，兩者皆沒有共同之處，而基於這一論點，本研究將對於南澳泰雅族人土地議題的奮鬥案立加以研究。 / Political-environmental conflicts related to extractive industries in Taiwan tend to be conceptualized as problems of governance. These conflicts are generated from ill-designed policies that manage the distribution of revenues from extractive industries, formal political participation, transparency and employment opportunities for the indigenous community. The governance approach, however, does not take into account the history of marginalization and resistance of indigenous groups, or the permanence of colonial patterns of domination in Taiwan. The main argument of this paper is that the political-environmental conflicts related to extractive activities do not derive from problems of ‘governance’, but more significantly, they emerge as a consequence of divergences that transcend the current institutional framework. The different political ontologies among state, corporate, and the indigenous community over land revealed, each party operates within institutional parameters and socio-cultural systems which have nothing in common. This argument will be developed in the case study of the Atayal people’s territorial struggles in Nan’ao, Taiwan.

從共用資源理論觀點暨公共選擇角度而言，原住民部落資源與傳統領域土地乃一「封閉式共用資源」，若由原住民部落團體共有並自主經營管理，社群內部將可能透過個體的合作，創造共同利益，發揮傳統生態知識、善用在地組織，避免原住民地權流失，並進一步達到資源永續發展的目的。但由於受限於「經濟人」與「國家理性主義」之假設，且忽視了人與自然資源會相互影響、相互限制的事實，人們常引用Hardin（1968）的「共用地悲劇」，指出共用資源必將陷於過度使用的危險之中，最終肇致環境的退化。 為釐清此議題，本研究以新竹縣尖石鄉後山兩個具有共用資源自主治理個案的泰雅族部落為例，選取現今既有的「部落地景」、「河川魚群」、「森林產物」等三種形式之共用資源進行觀察；在時間上則以這些資源在保育目的下被部落共同維持開始，到被賦予促進部落經濟期待後的發展為主要的範圍。以新制度經濟學為理論基礎，藉由實證調查和比較，並經「組織中的個人制度選擇」、「社會中的共管組織」以及「社會生態系統」等三個層面的分析，討論有哪些因素影響個人遵守集體的正式與非正式規範？群體如何制定符合當地條件的共用資源治理規範，並維持組織的長期存續？而社會與自然生態之間的互動關係又是如何形成？冀以探討影響「以部落為基礎的自然資源自主治理」之內外部因素及其互動關係，俾提供後續共用資源管理制度設計思考的基礎。 / From the perspective of “common pool resources” (CPR) theory and public choices, the tribal resources of aboriginals and traditional territories are a “closed-access” type of common pool resources. If aboriginal tribes manage the CPR in a self-governing way, the communities may be able to, through the cooperation of individuals within, create collective interests, leverage traditional knowledge regarding the ecosystem, utilize local organizations in order to avoid the lapse of aboriginal land, and achieve the sustainable development of resources. However, people are limited to the hypotheses of “homo economicus” and “raison d’état” along with an overlook of the fact that mutual influences and restrictions lie between humans and natural resources. They often quote the essay “Tragedy of the Commons” by Hardin (1968), according to which common resources are under the constant threat of overuse that will eventually degrade the environment. To establish clarity on this issue, this paper uses an Atayal county with two CPR self-governing cases to observe three types of common pool resources currently seen today: tribe landscape, river fish and forest produce. The time horizon starts at the time point when these resources were placed under tribal management for conservation purposes, and ends at the time point when these resources are expected to prompt economic development. This paper conducts empirical investigations and comparisons based on the theoretical foundations of new institutional economics, and analyzes three aspects of these issues: choice of personal systems within an organization, collective management organizations in a society, and Social-Ecological Systems (SESs). This paper discusses the factors that affect how individuals conform to social norms, formal and informal. How a public choice is made to design the rules which are proper to local CPR situation and maintains the organization long-term sustainability? How do the interactions between society and the natural ecosystem come into being? By exploring the internal and external factors of self-governance of natural resources by tribes and the resulting interactions, this paper aims to provide a foundation for subsequent studies in the design of the management systems for common resources.

土地制度規範著對於土地的使用所引起的人與人之間相互認可的行為關係，對於制度起源的討論，往往認為制度具有降低成本、創造集體利益的功能，但由於制度主體的因素，制度則可能是國家對某一群體的剝削，例如日治時期將原住民土地收歸國有；由於制度安排的失當，很可能使得後續的發展陷入惡性的路徑依賴之中，例如民國五十五年的保留地私有化政策後原住民地權的快速流失。 　　一項近年的政府調查顯示，原住民保留地被非法使用、私下轉讓的情況日益嚴重，但同一時期的另一項研究卻又指出：原住民社會普遍傾向認為原住民保留地不得移轉給非原住民的限制不宜開放。從政治經濟的角度來說，保留地若朝向全面的私有化、開放原漢買賣，固然可以回應市場立即的需求，但交易過程中信息不完全、原住民經濟的弱勢等等外部效果卻不可能依靠市場機制加以解決，同時，可預見的原住民土地大量流失將和社會普遍認同的價值相違背；另一方面，保留地若朝向以國有化進行政府的干預，固然可以抑制自由買賣造成的原住民地權流失，但卻又和資源利用極佳化的市場邏輯相去甚遠而必須付出高額的成本，亦難以有效執行；從制度研究的眼光來看，現行的保留地制度正處於兩難下的制度失衡狀態。 　　在五年的反覆討論之後，內政部法規會於九十年一月十七號通過了「原住民族保留地開發管理條例草案」，該條例草案最大的特色是在所有權移轉限制下，增加了「原住民族保留區」的制度設計，在「原住民族保留區」中的土地所有權，得登記為原住民部落團體「共有」，土地的經營管理也將由部落團體來共同進行，這樣的政策所呈現是政府對於社會壓力和原住民土地困境的回應。然而，作為共有制實行的基礎，無論是在學理上或實證上，對於共有資源自主治理的探討都有尚待進一步充實的空間。 　　經過先期的調查和訪談，本研究選定新竹縣尖石鄉中三個公共資源自主治理的案例，並從制度經濟與集體選擇理論的架構，分析案例中人們如何建立自主性的組織，如何經由集體的選擇制定符合當地條件的公共資源治理規則，如何履行彼此的承諾並相互監督，以及如何避免陷入集體不理性的過度利用的悲劇，且對於案例中影響原住民部落採取資源共有和自主治理策略的因素加以探討。最後，評析內在制度的變遷及泰雅族傳統制度在現代的演化，以及公共資源自主管理在降低執行和監督成本、降低其外部效果、降低制度供給的成本等方面的制度優勢，並指出資源形式與共有範圍的關係、學習過程的重要、共有組織的作用是為共有制度有效運作的關鍵。 　　此外，在後續研究部份，本研究亦建議：理論上對於非以直接提取資源單位方式產生的利益分配問題、排他性技術的成本的雙重影響的探討；實證上對於集團移住後的原住民部落中共有組織的分析；政策上對共有組織「分級分類」原則的研議，皆值得作為後續進一步研究的課題。 / Institution about land rules the relationship, which is caused by land using and identified between people. According to the discussion of the beginning of institution, it can descend the cost of trade and make collective interesting. However, institutions can also be the means for a nation to exploit its people because of the subject of institution. The Nationalization of land, which is owned by aboriginal people in the time Japan governed Taiwan for instance. And, because of the improper arrangement of institution, the development may go in to a vicious path-dependence circle; the privatization policy in 1966 made the fast lapse of aboriginal land for example. 　　A recent investigation made by government shows that more and more aboriginal reserved-land was illegally sold and transferred in the black market. However, in the same time, another research appointed that most people in aboriginal society disagree the revocation of the limit that non-aboriginal cannot get the property of aboriginal reserved-land. In the view of political economics, if the property of aboriginal reserved-land was turn to entirely privatized, it can reply the immediate need market, but the external diseconomy such as incomplete information and the lower position of the aboriginal people can not be resolved by the market, and the following results that most of the aboriginal land property lapse will belie the general value identified by our society. On the other hand, if the property of aboriginal keeps on nationalized it can bate the lapse of the land property, but government has to pay high cost to belie the market logic hat resource should be optima used, and it will be difficult to administer. In the view of institutional study, the institution of aboriginal reserved-land is in a situation of inequilibrium. 　　After a long discussion lasted from more than five years, the Act Committee of Administer Department announced a proposed act for the development and administers of aboriginal reserved-land. The most particular part of this proposed act is the design of "aboriginal-reserved zone" and common land property. The total area of the aboriginal reserved zones was supposed to be 1.4 million acres, and the land property in the zones may belong to the whole settlement society. Such a policy is a positive reply to the social strait and the predicament of aboriginal society. However, being the base to exercise the common property institution, either the theoretical or the practical discussion of the "common pool resources self-governing" still needs to be completed. 　　A previous investigation and visiting, an Atayal county with three CPR self-governing cases was chosen in this approach. With a framework of institutional economics and collective act theory, this approach analyzed how people organized a self-governing organization, how a public choice was made to design the rules which are proper to local CPR situation, how people fulfill their obligation and supervise each other, how people avoid the tragic result o collective irrationality such as over using, furthermore, discuss the factor effect the CPR self-governing strategy .In the end, this approach discuss the change of internal institution and the evolution of Atayal tribes’ traditional institution in modern time, and the advantage of self-governing institution. Then, pointed out the relation between types of resources and areas of common property, the processes of learning, and the effects of organization are the key points to exercise the common property institution. 　　In addition, this approach suggested: in the theoretical aspect, the dispute caused by distribution of the interest that was not made by direct appropriation, the dual influence from the cost of exclusion technology. And, in the practical aspect, the principles to classify the self-governing organizations, can be the new problematic for further approach.

本研究著眼於原住民文化產業智慧資源規劃的議題，特別是以原住民工藝產業當中的編織工藝作為研究對象。在智慧資源的創造和保護方面，對於原住民民俗創作的法律討論和立法行動，在我國雖然已有初步成果，但卻仍有許多爭議尚待解決，因而仍無法提供原住民族人充足的保護，不過即使如此，產業仍然需要在此模糊不清的法律狀態下，尋找最佳的發展路徑，換言之，從智慧資源的管理和應用方面，在盡可能建立智慧資源的基礎之後，管理者應如何透過原先具備或後天取得的資源，促使經營的事業體找出適當的發展模式，毋寧更是原住民文化產業能否永續發展的優先考量。而在產業發展較成熟之後，若再回頭主張產業從業者真正需要的法律規範，或許更可以提供規範制定者值得參考的意見。 在上述的法律和管理並重的思考邏輯之下，本研究從文獻探討開始，檢視國際間、各國和我國在處理原住民民俗創作保護時的問題現狀，在確定文化資產和智慧財產各有其規範角色，卻又會互相影響的前提之下，推導出存在於原住民文化產業當中，同時可以致力於文化資產活化，以及智慧財產創造的幾種可能的發展模式，供作本研究後續個案的探討模型，以及未來的產業從業者決定發展方向時的可能參考選項。 故在本研究個案部份，即同時反映上述類型化模型的思考。第四章的第一個個案就是較具有公共性(commons)本質的尤瑪‧達陸與野桐工坊個案，而第五章的第二個個案就是較具有完整企業經營理念的湛賞文化藝術工作坊，此二個案同時都是以編織工藝為主要經營項目，但是因為經營者的目標不同，因而展現出不同樣貌，本研究透過此二個案呈現經營面向的議題，同時也針對智慧資源規劃議題，給予個案未來發展之建議。 最後的結論與建議，本研究主要針對於政府機關和產業從業者兩方面，從之前論述當中發現的議題和可參考的適例，重新思考現存問題的解決方案，期待在研究者的共同努力下，台灣原住民文化產業能夠走上更亮麗的舞台。 / This research is focused on intelligence resources planning of indigenous cultural industry, especially in the field of knitting techniques. From creation and protection of intelligence resources perspective, legal discussion and legislative movement for aboriginal people’s cultural expressions seem to achieve slight success in Taiwan, but there still exists many unresolved issues, resulting in insufficient protection for aboriginal people as before. However, even in such legally ambiguous situation, the industry still needs to find its way out, looking for the best path to develop itself. In other words, from management and application of intelligence resources perspective, after trying best efforts to set up the foundation of intelligence resources, how the managers are devoting to figure out the suitable model for the business unit, by using original or adopting resources, becomes the first priority of concerns of whether the indigenous cultural industry can be sustainable. When the industry becomes more mature, the participants of the industry may look back, to propose their real needs for regulations, and at the same time, these proposals may be very valuable for the regulators. Based on the above thinking in accordance with both legal and managerial logic, this research makes observation to problems when dealing with aboriginal people’s folklore expressions in international society, in various countries and in Taiwan, from the beginning part of literature analysis to the latter parts; then, this research makes sure that cultural heritage and intellectual property both play parts on the focused topics, while each has its regulatory role as well as has impact on the other, and such nature and connection becomes the premise of the following several models respectively for activation of cultural heritage and creation of intellectual property at the same time in indigenous cultural industry. These models will be used as the analytic tools for the following case study and as the referable choices of business development for future participants in the industry. Furthermore, case study of this research reflects foregoing categorical models. The first case in Chapter 4 is commons-oriented Yuma Taru and Lihang Studio case. The second case in Chapter 5 is under complete company management, which is Siku Sawmah Cultural Art Workshop case. Both cases’ major revenue come from knitting techniques, but the managers have different business goals, resulting in different business models. This research tries to reveal managerial issues when running workshop through these two cases; this research will also gives suggestion to them in relation to intelligence resources planning. In the final part of conclusion and suggestion, this research aims at governmental departments and participants in the industry, and for them it rethinks solutions towards existing problems regarding previously found issues and referable cases. This research expects the indigenous cultural industry in Taiwan to eventually get on a more radiant stage with the cooperation of all the researchers and participants.