原住民部落資源自主治理（self-governing）之概念已陸續地推展於原住民地區，過去有關於部落資源自主治理相關議題之討論與研究鮮少從原住民族土地問題切入，少數結合原住民族土地問題與部落資源自主治理者，研究場景也僅著重於原住民族單一族群內的自主治理組織發起與運作過程描述分析，至於在現實政經環境背景下，不同族群間自主治理的過程究竟該如何運作？以及藉由分析其運作過程產生的相關問題，進一步檢視現行原住民族自主治理部落土地資源之政策與地權及地用等相關法令規定者，尚乏相關論著。 本研究選取苗栗縣南庄鄉蓬萊村為實證研究對象，以Elinor Ostrom（1990）所提出的成功自主治理共用資源（common pool resources）八個設計原則（design principles）為檢驗基礎，分析蓬萊溪封溪護魚與八卦力民宿村部落土地資源自主治理制度設計成功與否、歸納制度脆弱或未成功的原因，並且透過社會關係網絡（social context）與取得權（access theory）等相關概念，分析兩案例之社會關係網絡與利益流樣態，以理解制度規範建構之互動過程與核心理由，發掘置於國家權力統治與資本主義貨幣經濟（cash economy）之現實場景下，原╱漢「多族群間」、以及「同族群內部」到「多族群間」自主治理部落土地資源之問題，並指出現行部落自主治理之地用與地權政策規劃與部落現實場景間之差距。 由實證案例分析可知，原住民族傳統部落組織的瓦解與重構過程中，原住民與平地人之間的政經稟賦差異加大，原住民族自主治理之立意往往被扭曲，平地人卻能掌控部落土地資源進而分享大部分之利得。此外，原住民族自主治理部落土地資源之政策走向，忽略漢人使用原住民族傳統領域土地亦有其特殊歷史背景或政策因素，是以在政策層面上當有再深入研究及通盤檢討之必要。而多族群間亦須放棄成見、加強溝通以謀求彼此共識，增加地方自主治理的社會資本，方可妥善管理部落土地資源，朝共同治理之目標邁進。 / The concept of indigenous resources self-governing has been promoted to the indigenous areas one after another. However, there have been few issues and studies about tribal resources self-governing observed from the viewpoint of indigenous land management. Even though minority of issues and studies link up indigenous land problems with tribal resources self-governing, their research background also only puts emphasis on the analysis of a single indigenous race, which describes the establishment of organization and operation for self-governing. How is the self-governing mechanism operated among different races under the realistic political and economical background? How is the self-governing policy of tribal land resources manipulated further? How are laws related to land ownership and land use implemented? All of these topics still lack correlative studies. Therefore, this research takes the tribe of the Penglai Village in Nanjhuang Township Miaoli County as an example, using eight design principles proposed by Elinor Ostrom (1990) to examine the case, which the Penglai stream blocking for fishing resources protection and the self-governing for tribal land resources in the Baguali B&B(bed-and-breakfast) village. The context of illustrations are: (1) analyzing whether the design of institution for the case is successful; (2) inducing the reason why institution is unsuccessful or weak; (3) analyzing the social context and benefit flows of the case to understand the interactive process and the core reason for the establishment of institution standard by the concept of social context and access theory; (4) finding the self-governing problems of tribal land resources among indigenous /Han multi-races(the case of Penglai River) and from one single race to multi-races(the case of Baguali B&B Village) under the realistic background of state right governing and cash economy of capitalism; and (5) pointing out the gap between the current land use and landownership policy plan for tribal self-governing and the realistic situation of tribe. By the analysis of the case, we can find that the disintegration and restructuring of the indigenous tribal organization because of the difference of the political and economical endowment from Han people results in the phenomenon, which the purpose of the indigenous tribe self-governing for land common pool resources has been twisted. In addition, the formulation of the self-governing policy for indigenous land resources ignores that the Han people using the indigenous traditional territory also have its special historical background or resulted from policy implementation. Therefore, it is necessary to study further and overall review, to strengthen the communication to seek a consensus among multi-races and to gain the social capital of local self-governing. In this way, it will be possible to manage the tribal land resources well and achieve the goal of common governance.

從共用資源理論觀點暨公共選擇角度而言，原住民部落資源與傳統領域土地乃一「封閉式共用資源」，若由原住民部落團體共有並自主經營管理，社群內部將可能透過個體的合作，創造共同利益，發揮傳統生態知識、善用在地組織，避免原住民地權流失，並進一步達到資源永續發展的目的。但由於受限於「經濟人」與「國家理性主義」之假設，且忽視了人與自然資源會相互影響、相互限制的事實，人們常引用Hardin（1968）的「共用地悲劇」，指出共用資源必將陷於過度使用的危險之中，最終肇致環境的退化。 為釐清此議題，本研究以新竹縣尖石鄉後山兩個具有共用資源自主治理個案的泰雅族部落為例，選取現今既有的「部落地景」、「河川魚群」、「森林產物」等三種形式之共用資源進行觀察；在時間上則以這些資源在保育目的下被部落共同維持開始，到被賦予促進部落經濟期待後的發展為主要的範圍。以新制度經濟學為理論基礎，藉由實證調查和比較，並經「組織中的個人制度選擇」、「社會中的共管組織」以及「社會生態系統」等三個層面的分析，討論有哪些因素影響個人遵守集體的正式與非正式規範？群體如何制定符合當地條件的共用資源治理規範，並維持組織的長期存續？而社會與自然生態之間的互動關係又是如何形成？冀以探討影響「以部落為基礎的自然資源自主治理」之內外部因素及其互動關係，俾提供後續共用資源管理制度設計思考的基礎。 / From the perspective of “common pool resources” (CPR) theory and public choices, the tribal resources of aboriginals and traditional territories are a “closed-access” type of common pool resources. If aboriginal tribes manage the CPR in a self-governing way, the communities may be able to, through the cooperation of individuals within, create collective interests, leverage traditional knowledge regarding the ecosystem, utilize local organizations in order to avoid the lapse of aboriginal land, and achieve the sustainable development of resources. However, people are limited to the hypotheses of “homo economicus” and “raison d’état” along with an overlook of the fact that mutual influences and restrictions lie between humans and natural resources. They often quote the essay “Tragedy of the Commons” by Hardin (1968), according to which common resources are under the constant threat of overuse that will eventually degrade the environment. To establish clarity on this issue, this paper uses an Atayal county with two CPR self-governing cases to observe three types of common pool resources currently seen today: tribe landscape, river fish and forest produce. The time horizon starts at the time point when these resources were placed under tribal management for conservation purposes, and ends at the time point when these resources are expected to prompt economic development. This paper conducts empirical investigations and comparisons based on the theoretical foundations of new institutional economics, and analyzes three aspects of these issues: choice of personal systems within an organization, collective management organizations in a society, and Social-Ecological Systems (SESs). This paper discusses the factors that affect how individuals conform to social norms, formal and informal. How a public choice is made to design the rules which are proper to local CPR situation and maintains the organization long-term sustainability? How do the interactions between society and the natural ecosystem come into being? By exploring the internal and external factors of self-governance of natural resources by tribes and the resulting interactions, this paper aims to provide a foundation for subsequent studies in the design of the management systems for common resources.

台灣自1994年起由文建會推動社區營造，有別於中央主導的方式，，試圖以「在地行動」、「由下而上」的核心概念，讓社區發展以在地居民需求為導向，自發性地營造出各具特色的社區。但社造是涉及許多共用資源管理的複雜議題，早期臺灣地區居民缺乏社造經驗，參與公共事務的意願不高，加上未有一套完整的模式進行輔導，導致二十年來實際成功之案例並不多見。近年來隨著公眾議題發燒，臺灣民眾自主意識提升、開始重視公共事務，正是積極發展社造之際。但環顧國內社區對於共用資源的管理，能在期盼有一套良好的制度或模式得以依循。 本研究案例木柵二期重劃區，其自主組織「木柵二期重劃區促進發展協進會」透過社會生態系統(Social-Ecological System；以下簡稱SES)的應用，有效將自主治理理論(Self-governance Theory)運用於社造，用以解決共用資源的問題，甚至曾受邀請至世界衛生組織(WHO)，分享成功經驗。但本研究發現，將自主治理理論應用於社造之研究竟付之闕如，更沒有一套可供社造工作者參考的模型。故本研究試圖以木柵二期重劃區為案例，建立一套社造自主治理之量化模型。 本研究整理自主治理領域的相關文獻後發現，自主治理的研究雖以質化研究為主，但隨著SES的演進與簡化，是有建立量化模型之可能性。故本研究先對本案例「木柵二期重劃區」進行深度訪談及問卷調查，匯整其成功自主治理之社造沿革、社造過程、社造結果的要素，並將其與SES各種核心子系統進行對應，發現有其適用性。據此，再參考2014年的架構，提出資源體系、資源單體、治理體系、參與者四個構面皆顯著影響作用情境之假設，建立本案例之社造社會生態系統模型，於2014年11月對區內20歲以上居民發放問卷。 因素分析的結果顯示，模型整體的建構效度良好；但核心子系統需修正為三個(因本案例之資源體系與資源單體的重疊性較高，故歸納為資源體系稱之)。其次，迴歸分析驗證之結果亦顯示本案例所提出之資源體系、參與者顯著影響作用情境，此兩個假設獲得支持；另外由於當初將治理體系的設定為地方政府，將自主治理組織木柵二期重劃區促進發展協進會歸納為參與者，導致結果顯示治理體系不會顯著影響作用情境。 故本研究的結果顯示，透過SES模型將自主治理理論導入社造是一條可行的方式，然社造的議題涉及層面與考量因素甚廣，且於世界各地亦有許多官方、民間的組織仍不斷的實作以及推廣。唯本研究僅以自主治理理論是否可導入社造為角度切入，與當前主流理論不盡相同，須就其優缺點、以及對現象的解釋力進行比較，然受限於本研究之時間、人力、成本，仍待後續研究者的協助。 研究者本身為協進會理事長，經由近十年之實務操作經驗，並透過本研究之驗證，深知社造之特徵實與自主治理理論概念相近、本研究所建立之社造SES模型，亦有良好的建構效度。故期望能將此實證建構之模型推廣到更多地區，建立社造成功的模式、營造更多桃花源般的社區，使人安住休息，並希望人類從此幸福、和諧、安康。 / Ever since 1994, the Council for Cultural Affairs (CCA) in Taiwan has pro-moted a placemaking movement totally different from the programs previously offered. With the core concepts of “local activities” and “bottom-up” in mind, the movement aims to help develop the communities around the island that could meet the demands of the local residents and automatically display their unique-ness. In the early days, however, the residents in Taiwan did not seem to get very actively involved in public affairs and have access to a good model to follow. Successful cases were rare in the past two decades. In the recent years, public issues have been under heated discussion and autonomous consciousness, raised among the general public. The time has come to develop the placemaking. Considering the management of common-pool resources involved with placemaking and the people’s total lack of the experience, a good system or model is needed to follow. However, the problems faced with the management of common-pool resources, home or abroad, have not been solved, either through the free market or the government centralization, until 1990 when Ostrom proposed his self-governance theory. But no research has been found on the application of self-governance theory to placemaking so far. Taking this into account, this research is intended to apply self-governance theory to the placemaking in “the second phase of re-planning the Mu-zha District” as an example. Through depth interviews and questionnaire survey, this study tries to know how residents themselves have worked on their placemaking, what are the key factors for their success, and, further, have a good grip of how their self-governance organization—The Community Development Association of the Second Phase of Re-planning the Mu-zha District —has applied self-governance theory to the placemaking so successfully. To illustrate, first, through depth interviews with experts, scholars, and local opinion leaders, this researcher collected the data on the evolution of placemaking in the second phase of re-planning the Mu-zha District, its process and outcomes, finding that “community resources in place” and “leaders with strong leadership” are the key factors for residents’ high satisfaction. Then, in the qualitative study, this researcher compared each of the counterparts both in self-governance system and social-ecological system (SES), finding that the self-governance theory has its applicability. Next, to establish a SES framework suited for this study, this researcher adapted the SES set by McGinnis and Ostrom in 2014 and proposed the resource system, the resource unit, the governance system and participants for factor anal-ysis. In November, 2014, questionnaires were handed out to the district residents aged 20 and over. Through factor analysis, it is found that the construct validity of the so-cial-ecological system for this study is good. Since there is a considerable overlap between the resources system in this study and the resources unit, we called them the resources system. The regression analysis also concludes that the resources system and participants proposed in this study are gaining support. Because the hypothesis of governance system in this research is local government, the inhab-itant trusts the Development Association; therefore the governance system cannot obviously affect the focal action situation. With one decade’s practical experience in the placemaking and through the verification of this study, this researcher, also the chairman of Community De-velopment Association realizes that the features of placemaking are quite close to the concept of self-governance theory. And the construct validity of the estab-lished SES in this study also proves to be good.It is therefore highly expected that the model of placemaking proposed in this study could be promoted to more re-gions around the whole world in the hope of building more wonderful communi-ties, where people could live peacefully and happily.

本文旨在探討灌溉水資源系統中的「水圳」，在歷史的發展脈絡下如何成為農村不可或缺的依賴性治理制度。而都市化與工業發展興起後，水圳面臨了設施改造與治理困境，其制度本身所產生之變革以及新興治理機制對原有組織之影響。 本文透過美濃獅子頭水圳為個案研究，運用伊利諾‧歐斯壯(E.Ostrom)之「共用資源永續發展治理八大原則」為水圳資源有效治理之理論背景，檢視早期美濃獅子頭水圳的集體行動組織（地方水利會-農民），如何成功地在自主治理的機制中運作，並探討在現代化發展過程中宏觀的外在結構環境，包含農業轉型、停徵會費、派系競爭、水患問題等變化，對既有的共用資源制度產生的衝擊與弱化。以及民主化後由愛鄉協進會透過反水庫社會運動帶動社區總體營造對於水圳治理的創新模式。本文認為早期獅子頭水圳在資源邊界、集體選擇、對組織權最低限度認可與多中心治理等面向建立起維持永續發展之基礎。制度本身雖遭受外在環境變遷而呈現鬆散，但由於觀光休閒農業的推廣，吸引農村漂鳥回流，對灌溉水資源的參與治理渴望達到穩定的力量。並且，透過給予掌水工與水利小組的正式與非正式制度性誘因，可以有效調節灌溉用水並做為提供移轉調撥其他產業用水的基礎。最後，在地方性非營利組織「愛鄉協進會」進入水圳系統的治理後，挑戰由半官僚水利會所掌控的政治經濟功能掛帥水圳系統，更融入生態、文化、公民參與等不同的元素形成一共同治理新模式，除了延續後農業時代水圳的灌溉功能之外，也強化其制度韌性。藉由這些發現，本文進而提出實務與理論的研究建議，以做為後農業時代水資源灌溉系統的永續發展之借鏡。 / The subject of this essay is to explore the reason why an irrigation canal, in the process of historical development, became an indispensable governance institution in the villages. Also, in the advent of urbanization and industrialization, the irrigation canal faces a situation of the renovation of facility as well as the predicament of governance, in which the institution itself changes and newly governance system influences the original organizations. This study takes Shihtou Irrigation Canal in Meinung as the object. Using Elino Ostrom’s eight design principles of stable local common pool resource (CPR) management to review the successful self-governance mechanisms in operation performed by the early local collective action organization (mainly made by Taiwan Joint Irrigation Association and farmers). Also the paper explains the impacts of macro-environment, including the agricultural transformation, stop collecting fees, factional competition and flooding, on the existing system of CPR. And an innovational governance participated by a Meinung People's Association, a grass-roots organization from anti-reservoir activities to comprehensive community development in the era of post-democratization. Results of this study showed as follows: Firstly, early Shihtou irrigation canal maintain the basis for establishing sustainable development as result of clearly defined boundaries, collective-choice arrangement, minimal recognition of rights to organize, and nested enterprises. Besides, although it was weaken by the later change of external structure, the development of leisure agriculture attracted recurrent youth for agriculture, who was desired for reviving the power of appropriation in canal self-governance. Meanwhile, the institutional design of water-inspectors and water conservancy group arranged through formal and informal incentives can effectively regulate the right of water for irrigation and serve as providing the basis for the allocation of water for other industries. Finally, a local non-profit organization Meinung People's Association challenges the governance system originally controlled by a half-bureaucratic management of local Farm Irrigation Association. Compared with the mainly political and economic functions of water governance by the latter, the former emphasize the different elements of ecological, cultural, and civic participation. This formation of New model of shared governance in canal not only continue its irrigational function in post-agriculture, but also strengthen its institutional tenacity..With these findings, the paper puts forward practical and theoretical study suggests in order to learn as a sustainable development of water resources in the era of post-agricultural irrigation systems.

近年來，社區林業的推行已然成為國際間林業經營的新趨勢，而我國亦在2002年推動「社區林業－居民參與保育共生計畫」，倡導「林業走出去，民眾走進來」的社區林業理念，該理念之倡導，旨在鼓勵在地居民參與，凝聚共識及培養社區自主能力，並由政府與社區居民及民間組織形成夥伴關係，以協力推動生物多樣性保育、永續森林生態旅遊及相關林業建設，藉以達成社區發展與森林永續之目標。 台大實驗林過去的林業治理多半採由上而下的治理方式，常導致管理單位與當地居民的對立，治理成效未盡理想，故台大實驗林管理處近年來嘗試遴選適當社區，推動社區林業，期望能找到林業資源治理新契機，然而，其成效若何值得深入考察，又因實驗林乃肩負試驗研究、教學實習、示範經營、環境保育等責任，本研究認為若能在此地區為政策示範地區，當能作為全國的林業治理借鏡，故遴選其轄區內執行之社區為個案加以探討，以獲悉施行實況。 森林係屬排他性很低但取用的減損性高的共用資源(Common Pool Resources, CPR)之一，若未能妥善經營管理，則易產生「共用地悲劇」。Elinor Ostrom(1990)曾就此提出由社區自主治理永續制度安排的設計原則，故本研究將藉以援引，並採深入訪談法，評估台大實驗林接受社區林業補助的案例的施行成果，提出自主治理的難題，包含參與者界定困難、參與者投入的成本與獲得效益不相稱、尚無監督參與者的機制、無權進行制裁機制、上級主管單位授權不足，並提出相關解決對策，期望使社區林業政策之推動更臻成熟，亦透過本研究肯認台大實驗林未來發展生態旅遊之潛力，而為改善我國森林資源治理效能之方針。 / In recent years, the implementation of community forestry industry has become a new trend in the international forestry operations , while now is also promoting " Community Forestry - residents to participate in conservation Symbiosis Project " in 2002 , advocated " Forestry go outside , people come inside ," the community forestry concept the idea of the initiative, designed to encourage residents to participate in the ground , build consensus and foster community autonomy , the government formed by residents and non-governmental organizations and community partnerships to promote the conservation of biological diversity in the third , sustainable forest eco-tourism and related forestry construction , in order to achieve the goal of sustainable community development and forest . The Experimental Forest of National Taiwan University (hereafter referred to as the Experimental Forest) past forestry governance mostly adopt a top-down governance , often leading management units and local residents opposing governance performance unsatisfactory , the Experimental Forest in recent years to try the selection of appropriate community , promote community forestry, expect to find new opportunities for forest resource management , however , the effectiveness of how worthy of further investigation, because of the experimental forests are shouldering experimental research, teaching practice , demonstration management, environmental conservation and other responsibilities , this study suggests that if the demonstration in the area of regional policy when a country's forestry governance can learn from , so the selection of its communities in the area to be explored is the case , learned to perform live . Department of Forestry is low but exclusive access to the shared resources with high impairment (Common Pool Resources, CPR) one of , if not the proper management, is easy to produce , " shared the tragedy ." Elinor Ostrom (1990) had been made by the community self- governance and sustainable design principles of institutional arrangements , the purpose of this study will be invoked , and mining depth interviews to assess the implementation of the outcome of Experimental Forest accepted the case of community forestry subsidies , raise self- governance the problem, in order to propose solutions that promote community forestry policies more mature, improve the performance of our forest resources governance .

本研究由個人參與社區發展行動的動機與選擇決策作為研究的重心，以理性選擇行為模式為理論基礎，探討社區發展上如何才能克服集體行動的困境，建立永續性的自主治理機制。由於社區事務具有小規模共用資源（Common-Pool Resources；CPRs）的特性，在功能上及產權上無法分割，在使用上無排他性（non- exclusive）但具有某種程度的敵對性（rivalry），過度取用將產生資源耗竭的現象。因此本研究援引共用資源分析方法（Common-Pool Resources Approach）作為分析架構，從個人選擇與互動形式、外部環境與技術的變量以及組織與執行機制三方面，探討社區居民是否形成自主治理的集體行動及其影響變量。 本研究採用多重個案研究的複現方法，選取了三處遭遇特定事件觸發了社群共同議題，而由外力團隊協助建立治理組織之社區，作為實證研究之個案。包括：（1）南投縣中寮鄉的農村社區在歷經九二一大地震後，面對土地資源永續利用與產業轉型的議題；（2）桃園縣龍潭鄉百年大鎮大型住宅社區因社區組織不健全，導致社區環境出現安全問題；（3）台北縣鶯歌鎮陶瓷老街因政策獲選為形象商圈，店家面臨商圈環境管理與商圈行銷議題。 / Base on the theory of reasonable choice behavior mode, the study focus on the resident’s individual motive and decision making process trying to identify the solutions of breaking the bottlenecks of collective actions and build up the sustainable self-government mechanism. The community affairs are small scale common-pool resources CPRs) therefore we cannot clearly dive up their ownerships and functions. In the aspects of usage, the community affairs are non-exclusive but kind of rivalry. It will be decreased if being over-deprived. Thus, this study adopted the common-pool resources approach as the analytical structure to explore if the community residents have organized the collective actions of self-government and the influence variables form 3 major aspects of “individual choice vs. interactive form”, “external environment vs. technical variables” and “organization vs. enforcement mechanism ”. The study took 3 occasional events which touched off some common agenda in the community and have the residents established the organizations of governance by the assistance of external teams as the impractical cases. The three cases included: (1)The agenda faced by rural villages on the aspects of land sustainable usage and industrial transformation in Jhingliao Township of Nantou County, (2) The safety problems brought by the poor community organization of the big scale residential community—Netown in Longtan Township of Taoyuan County.(3) The marketing and business district environment management issues brought by being selected as the official model business district in the Yingge Township of Taipei County.

原住民族長期生活於山村地區，有著特殊民族文化維繫個人或團體間長期的互動，惟日本時期沿襲迄今的保留地制度，無論是空間區位的選擇或增劃編地點的決定，原住民族毫無參與的餘地，導致無法妥善勘選區位適當的土地作為原住民保留地使用，進而使文化傳承、經濟生活所依賴的母土逐漸流失；近年來受國外原住民保留地經營管理成功案例的激勵及民族意識的興起下，原住民發起三次還我土地運動，而政府部門在增劃編的回應中，也認真的思索保留地興革的建議，遂在學者專家及原住民族菁英的討論過程，凝聚回復傳統產權共有舊制的共識。 　　憲法增修條文第十條第十二項對原住民族基本權的規範，含有「制度保障」之意涵，因此原住民族土地管理法規，是有提昇為法律位階之必要性，爰由內政部研定「原住民族土地開發管理條例」草案，刻正依法定程序送請立法院審議中。按該條例草案異於前之管理辦法者，在於增加了「原住民族保留區」的制度設計，新制在原住民族社會已有共識，惟尚缺乏個案研究的實證分析，因此難以辨別制度可能引發的後遺症，爰有本研究就桃源鄉進行個案分析驗證。 　　本研究以國外學者Elinor Ostrom在制度經濟學對共用資源共管機制的制度設計原則，來檢驗分析個案在保留區新制實施過程中，可能衍生的問題，以實地問卷訪談的方式進行調查；嗣經得知劃設原住民族保留區可以解決桃源鄉現存的保留地問題，而劃設地點以該鄉梅山村及寶山村最適宜，惟應建立一套劃設指標據以實施且應有相關配套措施，最後根據當地原住民的意見反應，證明集體決策理論觀點，適合運用在劃設原住民族保留區的決策過程。 　　此外，在後續研究的部分，本研究亦建議：桃源鄉小規模群體自主治理的資源利用方式，可否全面運用到保留區新制，有待與其他個案比較分析及探討，而欲達此政策目的，必須選定實驗區域，進行試驗及檢討，方得確保制度設計成為法律後，能夠彌補現行保留地措施肇致政府失靈與市場失靈的缺失。 / Taiwan indigenous people have lived in mountainous area for centuries. The interactions between their individuals and groups are regulated by specific cultures. However, the Reserved Land Institution began with Japan Colonist Era does not allow indigenous people to chose the place they live in by themselves. It made improper zoning. urthermore, it led to the land, which had supported their cultural and economic life lapsed gradually. In past twenty years, encouraged by the international indigenous movements and domestic ideology wakening, Taiwan indigenous people had held the Return My Land Demonstrations for three times. Government began to deliberate the reform of Indigenous Reserved Land Institution, and acquired conclusions after long-term discussion between government, scholars and indigenous elites. One of the conclusions is to revert to the traditional land tenure co-owning institution. 　　According to the Added Article of the Constitution (article 10, item 12) , this country has obligation to protect the basic rights of indigenous people with formal institutions. It means the Indigenous Reserved Land Developing and Managing Regulation needs to be promoted to a formal law. At this moment, The Legislative Yuan is deliberating the Indigenous Reserved Land Developing and Managing Law drafted by the Exclusive Yuan. A new designing named Reserved Area was made in it. This new designing was agreed by most of indigenous people. However, there is no empirical analysis to it and its side effect so far. Therefore, this research examined the Reserved Area Institution by case study in Taoyuan Township of Kaohsiung County. 　　The theoretical basis of this research is the institution designing principles of common pool resources self-governance, which addressed by Elinor Ostrom. Meanwhile, the investigation was processed by questionnaires. After the analysis, this research pointed that Indigenous Reserved Area Institution can solve the problems of Reserved land in Taoyuan Township now. The most proper locations of Indigenous Reserved Area are May-Shan and Pao-Shan villages. In farther step, it needs relative supporting measures and concrete area setting index. Beside, base on the responses of local residences, the research proved that Collective Action Theory is proper to be applied in the decision making process of setting the Indigenous Reserved Area. 　　In the end, the research suggested: the way people in Taoyuan Township governing their resource is not definitely proper to other indigenous groups. The precondition of implementing the new designing is to make more case tudies, compares and analysis. It is necessary to have small-scale experiments in advance. In the way, it can just correct the market failure and government failure caused by on going regulation when the new designing becomes a formal new law.