The aim of this thesis is to answer the question whether the ban on political advertising on television and radio, which is laid down in the Czech Broadcasting Act 2001, is in compliance with the freedom of expression. Namely, whether it is in compliance with the Article 17 of the Czech Charter on Fundamental Rights and Freedoms. And secondly, whether it is in compliance with the Article 10 of the European Convention on Human Rights. The freedom of expression is an essential political right. Therefore, the limitations have to be interpreted restrictively. Moreover, all limitations have to be thoroughly justified. Firstly, the thesis analysis the scope of the ban on political advertising on television and radio. It explains what are the sanctions in the case of violation of the ban. Examples of violations are also introduced. Further, it is referred to the amendment to the Broadcasting Act. This amendement proposes to define "the political commercials". It is not possible to find such a definition in the current version of the Act. Another topic which is discussed is an anonymous advertising. Then attention is paid to the regulation of free airtime. Since, free airtime is divided between all political parties with regard to the Parliamentary elections, elections to the Europena Parliament and elections of...

Contractual restriction of performance of other gainful activity of an employee This thesis has three main purposes. The first purpose of this thesis is to analyse the non-competition clause in the Labour Code, which is the only means of contractual restriction of performance of other gainful activity of an employee. I also focus on identification of eventual problems that might occur when applying this legislation. The second purpose of this thesis is to compare selected questions concerning the non-competition clause in Czech and German law. The third purpose of this thesis is to present suggestions de lege ferenda and to propose amendments to the Labour Code. The thesis is divided into five main chapters. The first chapter is followed by the second chapter, which is subdivided into four subchapters. The first subchapter deals with the restriction of other gainful activity of an employee identical with the scope of business of the employer for the duration of employment. This restriction arises directly from the Labour Code. The second subchapter focuses on the restriction of business activities of the employees employed in public administration. The third and the fourth subchapter contain a general description of non-competition clause in the Labour Code and prohibited non-competition clause in...

This thesis deals with the driving ban. I analyze three countries: Czech Republic, Germany, Austria and France. In the theoretical part I deal with the legislation, which applies to international road transport. In the practical part I deal with the analysis of a driving ban in selected states. I analyze exception from the driving ban too. The last part describes problems that bans trips bring carriers.

A law proposal was passed by the Danish parliament in 2018 prohibiting the wear of niqab and burqa in all public spaces. This study aims to analyse the discourse of the debate in the parliament leading up to the passing of the law by using Fairclough’s method of critical discourse analysis. The analysis focusses on the construction of Muslim women in the Danish parliament’s debate regarding the ban on niqab/burqa in public spaces, thereby centering the gendered role of islamophobia. Fairclough’s method of critical discourse analysis is used in the analysis in conjunction with perspectives from postcolonial theorists such as Said, Spivak, Yeğenoğlu and Mohanty. The study concludes that the discourse of the debate can be understood as a form of cultural violence. By drawing on orientalist and white feminist discourse it reproduces a cultural hegemonic relation between Western societies and their “Others”. Culture and religion are used as explanations for gender oppression, placing the fault on the “Other”. This not only stigmatizes anyone who is understood as an “Other” but also obscures gender oppression among the majority Danish population making it harder to address.

I denna uppsats har undersökts debatten kring tiggeri. Syftet med studien är att se hur de åtta riksdagspartierna arbetar med sakfrågan samt att generera mer kunskap och förståelse kring fenomenet tiggeri. I uppsatsen undersöks hur diskursen förhåller sig inom svenska staten och inom tidigare forskning. Studien använder sig av Reidar Larssons Politikska ideologier i vår tid som teroretiskt ramverk för socialismen, liberalismen och konservatismen. Forskningsdesignen som är används är beskrivande idéanalys och metoden kvalitativ analys samt kvalitativ textanalys. Materialet är hämtat från riksdagen och från partiernas hemsidor. I studiens resultat konstateras att det skiljer sig i debatten, och meningsskiljaktigheter finns, vilket framkommer av argument för ståndpunkterna mellan den traditionella socialistiska och borgerliga sidan i riksdagen. Detta syns genom vilka personer som för retoriken i debatten. Debatten har pågått i över ett sekel och intensifierats på senare tid av tiggare hitresta genom fri rörlighet. Debatten går mer åt att det handlar om problematiken i samhället. Uppsatsen kompletterar luckorna i tidigare forskning men i övrigt överensstämmer resultaten till delar med tidigare forskning om tiggeri och riksdagen. Studien utgår således ett bidrag till att stärka och skapa en grund för vidare forskning inom ämnet.

When a nuclear explosion occurs certain radionuclides are emitted, notably xenon. Due to the fact that xenon is a noble gas, it is hard to contain and can therefore be detected far from the explosion site. There are four isotopes of xenon that are of interest in the detection of a nuclear explosion: 131mXe, 133mXe, 133Xe and 135Xe. By constantly measuring the amount of these isotopes in the air, changes in the concentration in an indication that a nuclear explosion has occurred. In this thesis a detector was modelled in GEANT4 and focuses on one kind of noble gas detector: SAUNA - the Swedish Automatic Unit for Noble gas Acquisition. SAUNA uses the coincidence technique in order to determine the concentration of xenon there is in the air. By using the coincidence technique, it is possible to reduce the impact of the background radiation and therefore increase the efficiency of the detector. 133Xe has a coincidence when it first undergoes beta decay, with an endpoint energy of 346 keV, and then emits a 80 keV gamma particle. 135Xe has also a dual coincidence, a beta decay with an endpoint energy of 910 keV together with a 250 keV gamma-ray. However both these isotopes have a triple coincidence decay that also can be exploited: for 133Xe, a beta particle with endpoint energy of 346 keV, a 30 keV X-ray and a 45 keV conversion electron, while for 135Xe there is instead of the gamma particle a 30 keV X-ray and a 214keV conversion electron that can be emitted together with the beta particle. The 30 keV X-ray together with the beta particle for 133Xe can also be used as a dual coincidence, in that case the conversion electron is ignored. For 133Xe, when a beta particle, a 45 keV conversion electron, and a 30 keV X-ray are emitted, the model was able to detect all three particles in 69.2% ± 0.1 of the cases. However, when only the particles with a detected energy within a 5 keV interval of their generated energies are considered to be in coincidence, then for 133Xe triple coincidence occurs in 22.9% ± 0.2 of the cases. For 135Xe the model was able to detect the triple coincidence (between a beta, 214 keV CE and 30 keV X-ray) in 63.5% ± 0.1 of the cases. This work shows that adding another particle in a coincidence reduces the chance to detect the coincidence. The positive effect of adding another particle in a coincidence is that the minimum detectable concentration of xenon should be smaller. The goal for future detectors should be to make it possible for the detector to take advantage of the triple coincidences but at the same time be also able to use the dual coincidences.

(English): The aim of the thesis is to analyse the discourse of exclusion of the Czech communism and the discoursive attempts to ban the communist party. It shall shed more light on its sources of thought as found in the Czech dissident movement, as well as on the conditions it has risen from after the Velvet revolution. We intend to point out that the two main concepts of the dissident thought are essential for the birth of the discourse - one is shaping it, while the other opposes. The influence of non-political discourses - such as legal or political discourse on the subject - are also given serious attention. Using the Critical Discourse Analysis toolbox of methods, we hope to enhance our knowledge about contradictory images of the Czech past that shape contradictory images of the communism as well.

L'étude au cours de cette thèse a permis d'aborder en partie les défis des communications BANs à 60 GHz. Cette fréquence présente des intérêts pour les applications BANs, principalement la réduction des interférences, la miniaturisation poussée des antennes, la large bande disponible permettant d'utiliser une technique de communication à faible consommation d'énergie. Pourtant, la forte atténuation à cette fréquence et l'influence du corps, rendent l'établissement d'une liaison BAN fiable et efficace en termes d'énergie à 60 GHz un vrai défi. Pour une analyse détaillée de canal de communication à cette fréquence, une antenne planaire a été conçue et utilisée pour des mesures sur le corps. Les mesures on-body montrent que les liaisons courtes et en conditions LOS (Line Of Sight) sont possibles à 60 GHz, les autres liaisons nécessitent le routage en multi-saut. Pour les scénarios off-body considérés, la faisabilité de l'utilisation des BANs à 60 GHz pour des systèmes de faible consommation d'énergie a été démontrée. En comparaison avec une fréquence dans la bande UWB (4 GHz), la probabilité d'interruption de communication à 60 GHz est toujours inférieure (8%) à celle à 4 GHz (15%), en respectant les standards de puissance pour les deux fréquences. Sur le plan analytique, pour franchir les difficultés de séparation antenne-canal sur le corps (ou " de-embedding "), plutôt que de considérer le gain d'antenne, une approche théorique basée sur la méthode des images complexes est présentée pour comparer deux antennes canoniques sur le corps en termes d'efficacité et de bilan de liaison. / The 60 GHz-band is interesting for BAN applications mainly for less interference than at microwave frequencies, further antenna miniaturization, wide available band adapted to low energy consumption communication. Nevertheless, the high attenuation at this frequency and the body influence on the propagation enhance the link budget. The design of a reliable and effective communications between nodes on body or for off-body links at 60 GHz is a real challenge. It requires a detailed analysis of the communication channel. For that, a planar antenna was designed and used for channel measurements on body. The on-body measurements show that short-distance and LOS (Line Of Sight) links are possible. The other links with high attenuation could be recovered by applying multi-hop routing techniques. In addition, the dynamics of the body is taken into account by statistical channel measurement on-body at 60 GHz and off-body at two frequencies, 60 GHz and 4 GHz. For the considered off-body scenarios, by taking into account transmission power standards and receiver sensitivity, regarding low power consumption receivers in the literature, the outage probability at 60 GHz is always lower than 8 % whereas that at 4 GHz is lower than 15 %. In the channel consideration, difficulties arise to separate the antenna from the channel (de-embedding) because of the strong influence of the body presence on antenna parameters. A theoretical approach based on the complex images method has been presented to compare two canonical antennas on the body in terms of efficiency and link budget. This result is useful to estimate the energy consumption and to choose antennas for BANs.

The concept of “Environmental authoritarian” becomes the focus of discussion in the academic field of environmental politics since it has limited observations. In the recent years, the severe air pollute issue is considered as a threat by both citizens and authorities in China. Along with the more stricter environmental protection laws being issued, even the measures of the factory closings and coal ban seems to become acceptable as the population  have suffered in the heavy smog for years. Does this led to the rise of “environmental authoritarian” in China?  Taking this as a heuristic point, I observe the positions of various stakeholders in the environmental governance as well as present the findings from research on the implementation and enforcement of air pollution controls measures in Jing-Jin-Ji region. I offer a critical examination of “environmental authoritarian”, especially the levels of public participation at the policy process. After to do the research, the key funding is that the concept of “Environmental authoritarian” is too simplified, it cannot cover the complex and detailed environmental governance at local empirical cases.

The purpose with this paper is to study anti-muslim content within Swedish parliament proposals between the years 2019 and 2022. The constitutional comittee response is highlighted so it could be compared to EU:s attempts to create a unified European identity. The questions for this paper are: what ideological content is uttered in anti-muslim Swedish parliament proposals during 2019 and 2022, what ideological content is shown in parliament debate and the following parliament decisions in relation to anti-muslim proposals and how does the Swedish parliament debate relate to both binding and nonbinding international guidelines and documents? Document- and content analysis has been used for this paper. The chosen theory for this paper is the multilateral model for understanding islamophobia as well as the conclusions made by Olivier Roy. The conclusions for this paper are that Swedish parliament proposals are in accordance with what is warned by international documents where islamophobias presence is increased in Sweden. The constitutional committe is seen as in accordance with international documents for the promotion of a united European identity and European values.