When the military forces of the Third Reich invaded the Soviet Union in June 1941, the German authorities used local anti-Communist collaborators to facilitate the invasion and the occupation of the conquered territories. Many of these Byelorussian collaborators became complicit in the perpetration of the Holocaust and eagerly created a puppet regime under the direct control of the Schutzstaffel (SS). However, this regime and the crimes of its members remain largely unknown. As the Third Reich crumbled, the members of the SS-sponsored Byelorussian Central Council (BCC) hid themselves in the confusion of postwar Europe’s Displaced Persons camps, where they began to forge relationships with the intelligence agencies of the western Allies. As the mistrust between the Soviet Union and its erstwhile allies grew, these Nazi collaborators represented themselves as anti-Communist refugees from Stalinist persecution. They successfully navigated the currents of the early Cold War, evading arrest and prosecution for their wartime crimes with the help of their new sponsors in American intelligence. Many of the most notorious members of the BCC immigrated to the United States and became naturalized citizens, trading the vestiges of the Third Reich’s Byelorussian intelligence networks and military forces to American intelligence in exchange for protection from extradition and prosecution. This work focuses on the members of the BCC, the extent of their criminal collaboration with the Third Reich, and the role American intelligence played in helping these Byelorussian Nazi collaborators escape justice and become United States citizens.

Diploma thesis is dedicated to specifics of belarusian accounting . The aim is to provide a basic understanding of accounting in the Republic of Belarus in terms of legislation and practice. More attention will be given to identification gaps in this accounting system and future changes, which should eliminate these gaps. Another aim of my thesis is to compare the editing of fixed assets according to Czech and Belarusian legislation. The focus will also link to the amortization and tax regulation.

A qualitative document analysis is used to answer the aim of this thesis that is to find out if the relation between the European Union and Belarus has changed from confrontational to reparational in between the two parliamentary elections that was held in the country in the years of 2004 and 2008. The study focuses on debates from the European parliament in association to the elections in Belarus to see if the rhetoric used in the debates have changed. It is found that the rhetoric used in the European parliament after the 2004 election in Belarus are extremely confrontational and the members of the debate expresses their thoughts of Belarus in a rather harsh way. It has also been found that the rhetoric used in the European parliament after the 2008 election in Belarus are more diplomatic and have the tendencies of a warmer relation to Belarus although there are still some confrontational views among the members.

<p>ABSTRACT</p><p>The EU as a normative power in Belarus – a critical case</p><p>By Anna Johnsson</p><p>University of Växjö</p><p>School of Social Sciences</p><p>Spring semester 2007</p><p>The European Union’s identity is a much debated topic. Some say it’s a unique actor in the international arena because of the different tools it has at its disposal. Ian Manners claims that the EU is what he calls a normative power. A normative power has the possibilities to influence other actors’ perceptions of what is normal and tries to affect actors’ behavior by diffusing values. Manners defines nine different values that the EU exports and also in what ways it is done.</p><p>The purpose of this thesis is to examine if and how the EU acts as a normative power in Belarus. Belarus was chosen because it is said to be the last dictatorship left in Europe. It was also chosen as a critical case for the EU’s normative power. To be able to fulfill the purpose of the thesis I have worked with two main questions:</p><p>• What are the normative values the EU is exporting through its contacts with Belarus?</p><p>• In what ways are these values diffused?</p><p>The questions were answered by examining the official EU strategy for Belarus and I found that the values the EU is exporting to Belarus mainly are democracy, human rights, rule of law and sustainable development. Main ways of diffusion were informational diffusion, procedural diffusion and the cultural filter.</p><p>Keywords: Normative power, diffusion of values, the European Union, Belarus</p>

T. Lad - Zablocki is the most famous poet of Caucasus group. He lived and created his poems in XIX century. The master thesis describes Poland political situation and nature of Caucasus. T. Lad - Zablocki has written about love to his native country.

This thesis argues that the transmission of the European Union’s norms and values to Poland, and then to Lithuania and Ukraine, has helped those countries to better manage their relations. As a result of their integration into the EU and other western structures, relations between Poland and Lithuania have become more “normal”. The introduction of EU-mandated border controls has complicated relations between Poland and both Ukraine and Belarus. Poland has deep historic ties with Ukraine and is determined to ensure that Ukraine is offered a pathway that will lead to its eventual integration with Europe. However, relations between Poland and Belarus have worsened. Included in this thesis are the results and analysis of interviews and surveys carried out in Poland, Lithuania and Ukraine in 2008.

Thesis (M.A.)--Abilene Christian University, 2000. / Includes abstract. Includes bibliographical references (leaves 117-122).

This paper aims to examine Belarus and explain why the country has failed to democratize during the period of 2008-2017, but also if there has been any tendency for democratization during this period. The study is conducted through an analysis of underlying and significant factors for initiating the actual democratization process. The factors analysed are internal, external and regional factors. The method that was applied to this study was a case study were theories of democratization were used to analyse Belarus's democratic development and tendencies towards democracy. The study points out that all factors did play a role in the Belarusian democracy development and tendencies for democratization did exist. Belarus has failed to fully democratize as the regime successfully centralizes the power which is controlled through different means and strategies but there has been a tendency for democratization. The tendency for democratization has been through internal factors as there is an existing middle class and there is an existing critical opposition. For the external factors, a tendency has been shown by the snowball effect, as there have been geographically close demonstrations and democratization, and finally for the regional factors, tendencies for democracy could be identified as there is a desire for a return to the west among the population of Belarus.

Submitted by Roberth Novaes (roberth.novaes@live.com) on 2018-07-11T14:22:09Z No. of bitstreams: 1 Dissertação PPGLITCULT - Paterson Franco Costa (Versão Definitiva).pdf: 2894107 bytes, checksum: bfafe5f8cc39ed85e5b53190e89ced43 (MD5) / Approved for entry into archive by Setor de Periódicos (per_macedocosta@ufba.br) on 2018-07-11T16:36:37Z (GMT) No. of bitstreams: 1 Dissertação PPGLITCULT - Paterson Franco Costa (Versão Definitiva).pdf: 2894107 bytes, checksum: bfafe5f8cc39ed85e5b53190e89ced43 (MD5) / Made available in DSpace on 2018-07-11T16:36:37Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 1 Dissertação PPGLITCULT - Paterson Franco Costa (Versão Definitiva).pdf: 2894107 bytes, checksum: bfafe5f8cc39ed85e5b53190e89ced43 (MD5) / Este trabalho de pesquisa tem por objetivo principal realizar um estudo comparativo da tradução do blog Armiejski Dziońnik Franaka Viačorki (2009) para o filme Žyvie Bielaruś! (2012). A narrativa de ambas as obras se passa em Belarus, ex-república soviética desde 1994 governada pelo ditador Aliaksandr Lukašenka, cuja agressiva política de russificação e perseguição a opositores atinge diretamente o ativista e estudante de jornalismo Franak Viačorka, que escreveu o blog durante o período que serviu ao exército na zona de Chernobyl, após ser expulso da faculdade, como punição por participar de manifestações contra o governo. O filme foi produzido na Polônia e proibido em Belarus. Com o aporte teórico de Roman Jakobson, no campo da Tradução Intersemiótica, Rosemary Arrojo, da Tradução Interlingual, Gilles Deleuze e Michel Foucault, para a discussão em torno da política e autoritarismo presentes nas narrativas, bem como autores belarussos como Uladzimier Arloŭ e Hienadź Sahanovič, que oferecem olhares internos da história e cultura belarussas, dentre vários outros nomes, este trabalho visa refletir sobre o papel da tradução como instrumento de resistência política, em um mundo onde as mídias estão cada vez mais conectadas. / Асноўная мэта дасьледаваньня ў тым, каб правесьці параўнальны аналіз інтэрсэміятычнага перакладу блога "Армейскі дзённік Франака Вячоркі" (2009) у фільм "Жыве Беларусь!" (2012). Месца дзеяньня абодвух наратываў - Беларусь, былая савецкая рэспубліка, якой ад 1994 года кіруе дыктатар Аляксандр Лукашэнка, чыя агрэсіўная палітыка русіфікацыі і перасьлед апазіцыі непасрэдна закранаюць актывіста і студэнта факультэта журналістыкі Франака Вячорку, які напісаў свой блог падчас службы ў войску ў Чарнобыльскай зоне, пасьля адлічэньня з унівэрсітэту ў якасьці пакараньня за ўдзел у пратэстах супраць ураду. Фільм быў выраблены ў Польшчы і забаронены ў Беларусі. Грунтуючыся на тэарэтычных працах Рамана Якабсона, у галіне інтэрсэміятычнага перакладу, Розэмэры Аррожу, у міжмоўным перакладзе, Жыля Дэлёза і Мішэля Фуко, у дыскусіях пра прысутныя ў наратывах палітыку і аўтарытарызм, а таксама беларускіх аўтараў Уладзімера Арлова і Генадзя Сагановіча, з унутраным поглядам на беларускую гісторыю і культуру, сярод іншых імёнаў, дадзеная праца прапаноўвае задумацца пра пераклад як інструмент палітычнага супраціву ў сьвеце, дзе мэдыі ўсё больш шчыльна зьвязаныя між сабою.

Cette thèse a pour objet d’interroger, au prisme du genre, des changements politiques et sociaux à l’œuvre dans les pays de l’ex-bloc soviétique, à l’exemple de l’Ukraine et du Bélarus. Elle analyse en particulier les modalités par lesquelles le politique construit le privé, et comment l’action publique fabrique les (in)égalités de genre. À cet effet, cette recherche s’intéresse aux instruments d’action publique dans le domaine des politiques familiales, de la lutte contre les violences faites aux femmes et à l’application des normes internationales d’égalité femmes-hommes, telles que le gender mainstreaming. Ce travail questionne également les mobilisations collectives hétérogènes qui politisent/dépolitisent la question des inégalités de genre, cherchant à influencer les décisions des autorités en la matière : des collectifs féministes, des organisations religieuses conservatrices, des associations de pères engagés pour un changement des normes de masculinité. Cette thèse démontre comment ces acteurs-trices « négocient » avec le pouvoir, notamment par le biais de l’enchevêtrement entre les ressources nationales et internationales dans la configuration des agendas et des répertoires d’actions. Au niveau microsociologique, à travers des entretiens réalisés avec des parents bénéficiaires des politiques publiques, cette thèse démontre la manière dont les processus politiques façonnent le privé et impactent les champs des possibles des femmes notamment. L’assignation du travail de care aux femmes limite leur autonomie financière, leur carrière professionnelle, leur temps libre, leur activité sociale et politique, contribuant ainsi à la construction du pouvoir « monosexué ». / This thesis investigates, from a gender perspective, political and social changes taking place in the countries of the former Soviet bloc, specifically in Ukraine and Belarus. In particular, it analyses the ways in which politics constructs the personal, and public actions create gender (in)equalities. To this end, this research is concerned with policy instruments in the area of family policy, in the prevention of violence against women and the application of international standards of gender equality, such as gender mainstreaming. In addition, this thesis studies heterogeneous collective initiatives which politicize/depoliticize the issue of gender inequalities in order to influence the decisions of relevant authorities: feminist groups, conservative religious organizations, and fathers’ organizations seeking to change norms of masculinity. This research shows how these organizations “negotiate” with those in power, in particular through the interplay of national and international resources in the configuration of agendas and repertoires of contention. At a microsociological level, through interviews carried out with parents who are recipients of public policy actions, this thesis demonstrates the way in which political processes influence the personal and reduce the range of options for women in particular. The assignment of care work to women limits their financial autonomy, professional career, spare time, and social and political activities, contributing consequently to a construction of a “single-sex” power.