abstract: ABSTRACT This dissertation focuses on Anne Moody's use of the autobiographical genre as an extension of her political activism. Noting consistent values and conventions that govern the writing of political activists, this study asserts that Moody's narrative is best situated in the genre of political autobiography--a term coined by Angela Davis. Using Margo V. Perkins' text as a base to define autobiography as activism, this dissertation illustrates the consistent values that characterize Moody's narrative as political autobiography, resistance literature, and ultimately Black Power literature. Building on the works of Joanne Braxton, Patricia Hill Collins, Angela Davis, Elizabeth Fox-Genovese, bell hooks, Margo V. Perkins, Assata Shakur, and Johnny Stover, this project demonstrates the use of Moody's autobiography as a collective form of resistance that is reflective of autobiography as activism. To frame its argument, this study theorizes how one comes into revolutionary consciousness, demonstrating the move toward activism as a process. Drawing on Sidonie Smith and Julia Watson's autobiographical theory that the "narrated I" is distinguished from the "narrating I," this study asserts, as Francoise Lionnet suggests, that the "narrating I" is the vehicle to deliver recollections relevant to the autobiographer's agenda. This study emphasizes that the early version of the self Moody creates is consciously linked to her role as a future activist, ultimately demonstrating her political evolution through the emphatic linking of the personal and political. Most importantly, this dissertation demonstrates that Moody's text represents a continuity--an autobiographical bridge--between representations of the Christian nonviolent civil rights movement and the Black Power movement of the late 1960's. This study argues that Moody's autobiography is ideologically poised at the intersection of civil rights and Black Power; therefore, it serves as both a civil rights autobiography and a Black Power autobiography. Coming of Age in Mississippi offers a unique contribution to the genre of Black Power autobiography for the way it facilitates unprecedented insight into the transition from non-violent civil rights ideology to revolutionary consciousness. / Dissertation/Thesis / Ph.D. English 2011

In recent decades, scholars have praised Portland as a model for urban planning and citizen participation. This thesis complicates Portland's rose-colored image by situating it within recent histories on the long civil rights movement in the West, the Black Panther Party, and civil rights and metropolitan space. The history of Portland's Black Panthers represents an important moment for the black freedom struggle in Northeast Portland's Albina district and for the city's approach to urban planning. Excluded from politics, spatially confined, and subjected to destructive urban renewal projects by the 1960s, blacks in Albina experimented with innovative forms of political participation. These approaches ranged from moderate demands for neighborhood involvement with urban planners to radical, separatist opposition. Although the Panthers' vision of socioeconomic uplift and community control declined, a citywide revolution in politics co-opted their approach, responded to moderate voices, and dismantled much of the undemocratic planning structure in the 1970s. / 2016-02-01

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In this dissertation I argue that individuals' definitions of social justice, and their strategies for pursuing it, are structured by material and discursive conditions produced by specific state practices. In this study, based on multi-sited ethnographic fieldwork in the United States and Trinidad and Tobago, I explore this argument by examining the process by which the members of the National United Freedom Fighters (NUFF) resorted to violent political tactics and later abandoned them to adopt a state-sanctioned, self-funded development approach to their ongoing pursuit of social justice. The two different phases of the NUFF's social movement were led by the same actors, in the same impoverished region, with the same material development goals. Through comparative analysis of these two phases, and the material and discursive conditions characteristic of the two different historical moments in which they emerged, this study teases out the specific contextual variables that provoked the NUFF's initial commitment to and subsequent renunciation of violent political action. I argue that the transformation of the NUFF from a guerrilla force inspired by the promise of Marxist revolution into an NGO founded on principles of neoliberal subjectivity- self-help, participation in civil society, community-based volunteerism, market-oriented social reform, and spirituality (Rastafari)- was largely a consequence of material and discursive shifts produced by specific neoliberal governing practices instituted during and after the Structural Adjustment Program mandated by the International Monetary Fund in the mid-1980s. This investigation seeks to produce insights into the future of grassroots political action in the developing world by advancing anthropological understandings of the connections between culture, state practices, material conditions, and marginalized citizens' strategies for social change. / Anthropology

This thesis is an ethnographically-informed case study that uncovers the history of the Civil Rights and Black Power Movements in the mid-1960s through the mid-1970s in Dallas, Texas and surrounding cities. These movements were said to have been nonexistent. This study utilizes the methods of conducting interviews conducted with integral participants of both movements and the researching of archived newspaper articles, court records, and cultural media (flyers, posters, leaflets, etc) to provide a concise, critical view of this period in Dallas. / African American Studies

Cette thèse espère contribuer au dépassement du récit dominant qui a longtemps marqué l’historiographie du mouvement des droits civiques. Différents mécanismes de production du consensus, tant externes au mouvement qu’internes, ont contribué à masquer les tensions qui le traversaient et à le délimiter étroitement autour du seul aspect racial. Ce récit unifiait artificiellement la minorité noire en minorant les clivages de classe, de genre, les tensions générationnelles ou spatiales qui préexistaient aux années 1960 et en limitant les objectifs de ces mobilisations à la revendication de l’égalité des droits raciaux. Par ailleurs le maccarthysme et le triomphe du consensus libéral ont marginalisé la gauche noire et relégué les femmes à l’arrière-plan. Marginalisés en tant que forces politiques, les courants radicaux et les femmes ont aussi été d’abord effacés du récit historique. Cette représentation restrictive du mouvement des droits civiques a pu s’intégrer au récit national américain, aux dépens des voix radicales discordantes et du Nationalisme Noir de la période postérieure à 1966. Cependant ces clivages préexistaient : ce travail s’inscrit dans la perspective d’une histoire longue du mouvement des droits civiques qui met l’accent sur les continuités qui, des années 1930 aux années 1970, lient les générations entre elles. Il s’agit alors de dépasser les limites chronologiques traditionnelles et les clivages spatiaux qui opposent un Nord et un Sud essentialisés pour se situer à l’échelle locale, à la hauteur des militants dans la multiplicité des mouvements locaux. Nos sources en majorité autobiographiques, mais aussi photographiques, permettent de rendre compte de l’écart entre les militants locaux et leurs leaders nationaux du New Deal au Black Power. Les autobiographies militantes constituent des contre-récits qui remettent en question le récit dominant et dévoilent les tensions politiques et les projets minoritaires : ceux de la gauche noire, mais aussi les clivages genrés, générationnels ou spatiaux. Les revendications économiques et féministes de même qu’une dimension internationale sont aussi mis en lumière. La photographie de presse participe à cet effacement des clivages, par l’iconisation de figures célèbres. Malgré le maccarthysme, les thèmes et les idées de la gauche noire perdurent pourtant par le biais de l’image. Cette thèse tente de redonner leurs voix aux leaders anonymes du mouvement, à ceux dont les idées ont été masquées ou déformées et qui témoignent de la complexité d’un combat où classe, genre et race sont liés mais aussi en concurrence. / In this dissertation I hope to contribute to the criticism of the dominant narrative that has long been at the center of the historiography of the black liberation movement. Different consensus-building mechanisms, both external and internal to the movement, masked its tensions and tended to delineate it exclusively around race. This narrative artificially unified the black mi-nority by mostly obliterating the movement’s class divisions as well as the gender, generation-al, and spatial tensions, that existed prior to the 1960s, and by limiting its objectives to the demand for legal rights. Furthermore, McCarthyism and the triumph of the liberal consensus marginalized the black left and relegated women to the background while politically radical currents and the demands of women were also erased from the historical narrative. This nar-row vision of the black liberation movement was integrated into the US national narrative at the expense of the discordant voices of radicalization and Black Nationalism of the post-1966 era. This work adopts the perspective of a long civil rights movement by focusing on the con-tinuities that linked various generations, from the 1930s to the 1970s, thus going beyond the traditional and the spatial divides, which oppose an essentialized regional divide between North and South in the dominant narrative to focus instead on the diversity of local movements The sources used focus on autobiographies and on photography, making it possible to account for the differences in point of view between local activists and their national leaders, from the years of the New Deal to the Black Power era. Militant autobiographies constitute counter-narratives that challenge the master narrative and reveal political tensions and minority projects, including those of the black left; they also point to gendered, generational and spatial divides as well as to economic and feminist demands, and they show the international dimen-sion of the black liberation movement. Mainstream photography participated in the erasure of the tensions in the movement through the iconization of famous figures. Still, in spite of McCarthyism, the themes and ideas of the black left are visible through their own images. With such sources, this doctoral dissertation attempts to give voice to the anonymous leaders of the movement, to those whose ideas have been masked or distorted and whose testimony testifies to the complexity of a struggle where class, gender and race both concur and compete.