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An increase in population in rural agricultural communities and higher demand for food throughout Bolivia create the need for increased agricultural production. The objective of this study was to assess the suitability of the GLEAMS model as a tool for evaluating fertilization and cropping system practices for potatoes in the Andes of central Bolivia, and make recommendations for the continued development of the model as an analysis tool to improve sustainable crop production. Model suitability was evaluated through assessment of model representation of observed potato farms and behavior of simulated soil nitrogen (N) and N transformation trends; validation with field data taken from six agricultural sites in central Bolivia for runoff volume, soil total Kjeldahl N concentration, crop production, and crop N uptake; and sensitivity analysis. Validation of model output with observed values was completed both graphically and by determining the root mean square error standard deviation ratio (RSR) and the percent bias (PBIAS). RSR and PBIAS values for runoff volume were 4.0 and 65%, 4.5 and 4%, and 2.7 and 55% for three respective experimental plot repetitions using a calibrated SCS curve number of 90. The RSR and PBIAS, respectively, for soil total Kjeldahl N concentration were 3.0 and -2.2%. The RSR and PBIAS, respectively, for crop dry matter production were 7 and 21%. The RSR and PBIAS, respectively, for crop N uptake were 10 and 21%. The mineralization processes in GLEAMS must be improved before model application to central Bolivia, where agricultural production is highly dependent on mineralization of organic N from soil and applied animal manure. Recommendations for model improvement and development include modification to the process that determines mineralization from the soil potentially mineralizable N pool; validation of the percolation volume and nitrate leaching losses; and improved model representation of banded manure application. / Master of Science / CCRA-2 (Watershed Modeling)

The Bolivian forest products industry has experienced substantial growth during the last ten years. Exports of value-added products have largely replaced logs and green lumber, and raw materials for wood products have shifted to lesser used species. Important investment has taken place in lumber drying capacity, which unfortunately was not always accompanied by sound drying practices. Several non-governmental organizations, with U.S. financial aid, are currently supporting the industry with technical assistance. This project assists these efforts by assembling much needed information regarding lumber drying, and providing tools for performance measurement of drying practices. A survey was conducted among Bolivian companies to determine lumber drying capacity, technology and practices. Results showed a total drying capacity of 6,104,250 board feet in 167 kilns. Technology and practices used are highly variable. Thirty six percent of kilns are home-made, and 59% are European commercial brands. Upon completion of the survey, a set of analytical tools was developed and tested in six Bolivian firms. These tools were designed to systematically evaluate lumber drying operations and formulate actions for improvement. Equilibrium moisture content (EMC) during storage, manufacturing and shipping was monitored in plants located in three Bolivian cities and inside containerized shipments of wood products. Findings showed differences between EMC and lumber moisture content from -1% to 7%. Differences between EMC inside dry-lumber storage and processing facilities varied between 0% and 3.6% and were greatly influenced by facility configuration. Climate during shipment of wood products largely depended on packaging materials and methods, which attenuate sharp changes in ambient conditions. Monthly values for outdoor EMC for the main cities of Bolivia were calculated based on historic weather data and are reported. / Master of Science

Since the adoption of Law 1008 in 1988, Bolivia's government has organized a campaign to eradicate coca crops in an effort to reduce drug trafficking in the Andean region of South America. Destruction of crops is usually carried out by the Bolivian military or special police forces with support from the United States. However, the policies adopted by these agencies sometimes result in egregious abuses of human rights including unwarranted search and seizure of property, torture, and death. This thesis examines the importance of coca to traditional Andean society as a vital part of indigenous culture and stresses that coca leaf is not cocaine. An examination of the coca eradication campaign follows, including the militarization of the U.S.-backed War on Drugs. The role of the military in Bolivia is discussed, which leads to the question of whether the Bolivian military should actually be involved in the drug war. Suggestions are made for reexamining the role of the military and the training of special police in order to reduce the incidents of human rights abuses against Bolivian peasant coca growers.

La Trata de Personas es un delito presente en la mayoría de los países del mundo y también en Bolivia. Según datos del Ministerio Público boliviano, desde el año 2012 hasta junio de 2015 se registraron 1.340 casos de Trata, siendo el 73% de las víctimas niños, niñas y adolescentes. El Estado Boliviano, en el año 2012, promulga la Ley Integral contra la Trata y el Tráfico de Personas No. 263, que incluye tres componentes clave: prevención, protección y persecución, siendo la protección a la víctima el componente menos impulsado por el Estado. Ante este vacío la sociedad civil, mediante una acción de incidencia, impulsa al Gobierno a construir un Protocolo Único de Atención a Víctimas de Trata y Tráfico de Personas, convirtiéndose en un instrumento oficial de aplicación obligatoria; sin embargo, este instrumento aún no logra ser aplicado. La presente Tesis hace una sistematización del proceso de construcción del Protocolo de Atención con el propósito de identificar las buenas prácticas y desafíos resultantes del proceso de su elaboración, a fin de contribuir con recomendaciones para la adopción de estrategias y mecanismos que faciliten su aplicación. La investigación se apoya en una metodología cualitativa, siendo las técnicas de recolección las entrevistas semiestructuradas y la revisión documental. Estas técnicas fueron aplicadas a los actores que participaron en el proceso de diseño del protocolo, servidores públicos y representantes de las ONG de la sociedad civil. Los ejes temáticos abordados fueron: i) grado de coordinación y colaboración entre actores, ii) capacitación y competencias en el tema del marco legal y políticas nacionales sobre Trata, iii) percepciones sobre el proceso del diseño del Protocolo de Atención, iv) control social. Asimismo, se realizó el análisis documental necesario, además de revisar el registro fotográfico de los eventos en que se diseñó el protocolo de atención. 3 Desde el campo de la Gerencia Social es importante el emprendimiento y gestión en la aplicabilidad de las políticas públicas. En ese sentido, la Tesis genera recomendaciones que permitirán al Estado y la sociedad civil facilitar la implementación del Protocolo de Atención a Víctimas de Trata, considerando que, hasta el presente, el Protocolo aún está siendo revisado para su actualización. Asimismo, las recomendaciones buscan contribuir al diseño de otras políticas públicas, en las que la participación de la sociedad civil organizada no esté enfocada solamente en la fiscalización al quehacer de la autoridad estatal, sino, por el contrario, que se constituya en una participación propositiva, siendo un sujeto activo en el seguimiento a las políticas públicas. Es decir, pasar de la confrontación a la asociación. / Tesis

The Leco from North of La Paz were considered to have disappeared by the end of the 20th century; however in 1997, two groups of Leco re-emerged independently from each other, one in Larecaja and one in Apolo. In the former the claim was less violent than in the latter, where Quechua peasants share language, culture and kinship, and refuse to recognize the land rights and the identity of their “Indigenous Leco” neighbours. The thesis aims to understand ethnohistorically both resurgences, and tries to go beyond essentialism to understand the heterogeneous melting pot from where the Apoleños come. Apolobamba, because it connects highlands and lowlands, received Andean influences (puquina, aymara and quechua) early on. Its inhabitants, the Chuncho of the Incas then the Spaniards, show hybrid ethnolinguistic and socio-cultural features. The ethnic diversity was reduced in the 18th century Franciscan Missions, where the ethnolinguistic border between an Andean South and the “savages” of the North was drawn at the Tuichi river. The liberal Republican period, with the construction of a national identity, once again shrank regional diversity and increased “Andeanization”. Apolistas and then Apoleños emerged from these interethnic mixes defined more geographically than ethnically. The Leco revival happens in an auspicious national and international context, but the Leco language was still spoken two or three generations ago on the Mapiri's banks. It raises the question of social transformation and continuity: are we dealing with a case of acculturation, ethnogenesis, camouflage or resistance?

Memoria (licenciado en ciencias jurídicas y sociales) / El Trabajo de la presente memoria se abocará a demostrar y argumentar la factibilidad o infactibilidad de la demanda de Bolivia ante La Corte Internacional de Justicia de La Haya, sea acogida por esta Corte Internacional. Esta demanda responde a una centenaria pretensión de este país de obtener una salida al mar por territorio Chileno. Los sucesivos gobiernos de La Paz han insistido en su reivindicación marítima basando su argumentación, entre otros puntos, en desconocer la vigencia, validez y presunto incumplimiento del Tratado de Paz Amistad y Comercio de 1094, el cual en su momento estableció, de forma definitiva, los límites entre ambos países. Haciendo un giro en su histórica posición, Bolivia ha concurrido a La Haya invocado la existencia de una controversia con Chile por negarse sistemáticamente a ofrecer una salida soberana al mar, y que a través de acuerdos, la práctica diplomática y una serie de declaraciones atribuibles a los representantes del más alto nivel de Chile, Presidentes y Cancilleres, se habría comprometido a otorgar esa salida con soberanía al Mar Pacífico.

[pt] O ano de 2006 converteu-se para muitos num momento sem precedentes na história da Bolívia, marcado pela chegada ao poder de seu primeiro presidente indígena após um período de intensas mobilizações promovidas por uma maioria indígena e camponesa e que resultaram em mortes e na renúncia de dois presidentes. Neste sentido, a ascensão de Evo Morales à Presidência representou para estes atores coletivos a concretização de um processo de mudança mais profundo, pautado pela idéia de descolonização e que refletia o seu empoderamento após séculos de submissão ao colonizador, bem como à elite criolla e mestiça. Contudo a união entre estes grupos indígenas e camponeses e sua aliança com o governo são colocadas à prova ao longo do processo em meio à reconstrução do Estado, à reconfiguração do cenário político-social boliviano e à percepção entre alguns de um autoritarismo da parte governamental. Neste trabalho, procuramos entender como as relações entre os distintos protagonistas do processo, caracterizados por identidades étnicas e classistas, são expressas na Bolívia neste inicio de século, analisando a permanência de uma mentalidade e de práticas coloniais entre os mesmos. / [en] The year of 2006 might be interpreted as an unprecedented moment in Bolivian history, marked by the election of its first indigenous president over a period of intense mobilization. Organized by a majority composed of indigenous and peasant groups, the protests resulted in many deaths and the resignation of two presidents. In that sense, Evo Morales emergence to the Presidency represented to these collective actors the achievement of a deeper process of change, characterized by the idea of decolonization, reflecting those groups empowerment after centuries of submission to the colonizer and the creolle and mestizo elite as well. Nevertheless, the ties between indigenous and peasants organizations and their alliance with the government were put in check in the course of events, distinguished by the refoundation of the Bolivian State, the rebuilding of the political scene and what was perceived as a tyrannical position on the part of governmental authorities. In this work, we intend to understand how relations among decolonization protagonists, self-identified according their ethnicity and class affiliation, are expressed in Bolivia at the beginning of this century. We investigate the permanence of a colonial mentality and its practices during the process.

Este trabalho discute a História da Bolívia à luz da logística nacional. Procura demonstrar que o maior ou menor êxito da construção do Estado esteve relacionado inicialmente às vias de transporte (internas e com o exterior) e, posteriormente, à energia (combustíveis) e à capacidade produtiva. Busca evidenciar que o desenvolvimento econômico (pólos dinâmicos da economia) e a própria construção de um centro de decisão econômica (soberania) são em grande medida tributários dos limites impostos pela logística nacional. O trabalho procura investigar o quanto a logística nacional influenciou a formação social, a competição inter-estatal e a própria revolução nacional na Bolívia. Assim, examina-se, sucessivamente, a formação da sociedade boliviana, o papel da Guerra do Chaco, a Revolução Nacional (1952), o separatismo e a integração regional tendo como pano de fundo esse denominador comum – a logística nacional. Por fim, entende que as promessas não cumpridas de cidadania e soberania da revolução nacional boliviana, inconclusa, têm sua redenção no processo de integração regional – realizado a partir do paradigma do Estado logístico. / This work discusses the history of Bolivia in light of the national logistics. Seeks to demonstrate that the greater or lesser success of state building was related initially to inland transport and communication (internal and external), and then to energy (fuel) and production capacity. Seeks to show that economic development (dynamic poles of the economy) and the actual construction of a center of economic decision (sovereignty) are largely tributary by the limits imposed by national logistics. The work aims to investigate how national logistics influenced the national social formation, the inter-state competition and the national revolution in Bolivia. Thus, it examines, successively, the formation of Bolivian society, the role of the Chaco War, the National Revolution (1952), and separatism and regional integration with the background of this common denominator – the national logistics. Finally, it considers that the broken promises of citizenship and sovereignty of the Bolivian national revolution, unfinished, have their redemption in the process of regional integration – made from the paradigm of the Logistic State.