Orientador: Rachel Meneguello / Dissertação (mestrado) - Universidade Estadual de Campinas, Instituto de Filosofia e Ciências Humanas / Made available in DSpace on 2018-08-21T14:04:03Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 1 Cilia_GustavoBianezzi_M.pdf: 2374178 bytes, checksum: 88e75cc9af1b35f6eca9afd21449551d (MD5) Previous issue date: 2012 / Resumo: O partido boliviano Movimiento al Socialismo nasceu de uma federação de camponeses ligados ao plantio de coca no interior do país e mesmo com poucos recursos e experiência administrativa tornou-se o partido dominante do país a partir da eleição de Evo Morales em 2005. De forma particular à dinâmica política vivenciada neste período o partido manteve uma estrutura pouco institucionalizada e alto grau de variação em sua organização de acordo com arranjos locais. Utilizando-se da análise de instituições e da historiografia das demandas e grupos políticos este trabalho busca superar alguns obstáculos presentes na análise do MAS a partir de dois recortes distintos. Em primeiro lugar busca demonstrar como os cocaleiros encabeçaram uma rede de movimentos sociais insurgentes que, construída como alternativa política em um momento de crise no sistema partidário, impõese como um incipiente sistema político de representação popular em um país notadamente fragmentado neste sentido. Em segundo lugar busca encontrar as raízes deste sucesso nas tensões históricas que persistem como demandas populares desde a colonização espanhola, analisando a resignificação destas rupturas durante momentos de construção da identidade política nacional como a Revolução de 52 e a crise do neoliberalismo na virada do século XXI. Juntas, estas duas dinâmicas estruturantes (formação de rede de movimentos sociais e resignificação do discurso nacional-popular) sinalizam para a construção de um novo sistema político naquele país / Abstract: The Bolivian party 'Movimiento al Socialismo' [Movement towards Socialism] was born out of a federation of peasant coca growers in the rural area and even with few resources and no admnistrative experience has become the dominant party in that country with the election of Evo Morales in 2005. In a way characteristic of the political dynamics of the period the party has kept a poorly institutionalized structure and a high degree of variation in its organization according to local arrangements. Making use of institutional analysis and the historiography of demands and political groups this work seeks to adress some obstacles present in any analysis of the MAS with two different approaches. In the first place, it seeks to demonstrate how coca growers led an insurgent network of social movements that, built from the start as a political alternative in a moment of crisis in the party system, presents itself as a starting political system of popular representation in a country markedly fragmented on this subject. In the second place, it seeks to find the roots of this success on the historical tensions that persisted as popular demands since the Spanish colonization, being resignified in particular moments of construction of the national political identity such as the Revolution of 52 and the crisis of the neoliberal model at the end of the XX century. Together, these two structuring processes (both the network of social movements and the rebuilding of a national-popular discourse) signal the construction of a new political system in that country / Mestrado / Ciencia Politica / Mestre em Ciência Política

The dissertation focuses on the creation of imageries in the Carnival of Oruro, in Central-Western Bolivia, where images from different sources are formed and transformed through the development of the festival over time. The production of mythological narratives, religious figures, choreographic performances, costumes, and masks gives place to a complex of icons representing natural and supernatural beings, all of which are intertwined in the enactment of carnival in Oruro. Following the imposition of a strict dichotomy between good and evil, "heavenly" and "infernal" imageries are constructed to depict a prescribed and proscribed behaviour, respectively. However, the morality underpinning such constructs is often contradicted by the actual behaviour of the individuals involved. The hyperactivity of the lower bodily stratum epitomises an effective degradation of the elevated during the local celebration of the festival, rendering Bakhtin's approach appropriate for a study of the Oruro Carnival. Parallel to an analysis of the Carnival Parade, the dissertation provides a reflection on the discourses and practices inherent to the construction of a Bolivian national and cultural identity through the development of the festival. The symbolic oppositions observed in the Oruro Carnival Parade are linked to the transfigured images, which are analysed in relation to changes in the socio-cultural composition of the participants. Focusing upon the actual behaviour of the social actors involved, as much as upon representational activities, I intend to provide an insight into the relationship between the official imagery and the chaotic enactment of popular culture during carnival.

Conferencia realizado del 12 al 14 de setiembre en Lima, Peru del 2012 en el marco del 15º Simposio Internacional de Tesis y Disertaciones Electrónicas (ETD 2012). Evento aupiciado por la Universidad Nacional Mayor de San Marcos (UNMSM) y la Universidad Peruana de Ciencias Aplicadas (UPC). / El objetivo de la participación es mostrar el avance logrado en la Universidad Mayor de San Andrés desde el año 2005, año en que se tuvo conocimiento de la posibilidad de implementar cybertesis, los logros que se obtuvieron hasta la fecha con el trabajo sostenido, haciendo presentaciones en las diferentes instancias jerárquicas, hasta lograr la aprobación por el Honorable Consejo Universitario, máxima autoridad universitaria, de dos importantes resoluciones como son: la entrega de los trabajos finales en formato electrónico y la aprobación del manual y reglamento de presentación de las tesis en formato electrónico e impreso. A raíz de esta resolución, se elabora un plan de acción que implica la socialización y la capacitación del personal de las bibliotecas y estudiantes que están en proceso de elaboración de sus tesis en el uso de la plantilla de marcación. El propósito de la Biblioteca Central, como monitora de este proyecto, es el de consolidar la Red Boliviana de Tesis Digitales (RBTD) en colaboración con el Comité Ejecutivo de la Universidad Boliviana (CEUB), cabeza del sistema de universidades públicas, así como también sumar a las universidades privadas que así lo deseen. Para este fin se elaboró un cronograma de presentaciones ejecutivas mediante las cuales se hace conocer la importancia de la implementación de cybertesis en las diferentes universidades.

Magíster en Estrategia Internacional y Política Comercial / This report explores the question: Why do foreign oil companies continue operate in exploration and production activities in Bolivia’s hydrocarbon industry after its 2006 nationalization? The history of Bolivia’s hydrocarbon industry is filled with cycles of nationalization and privatization. Each cycle has produced dramatic changes in Bolivia’s petroleum fiscal regime. Bolivia’s 2006 nationalization of its hydrocarbon industry has given Bolivia an international reputation as a high risk country to investment in. However, foreign direct investment is still occurring since the 2006 nationalization. The most interesting aspect of this continued foreign direct investment is that, the majority of it is from existing foreign companies that were there before the 2006 nationalization. This report exposes the underlying reasons as to why foreign companies continue to operate in Bolivia’s hydrocarbon sector despite its most recent nationalization in 2006. A historical analysis will be conducted on Bolivia’s hydrocarbon industry; more specifically, the time period between 1990 until 2009 will be the main focus of this report. The legal changes in Bolivia’s hydrocarbon industry since the 1990s will be evaluated in order to understand Bolivia’s strategy of nationalization in 2006. Throughout the history of Bolivia’s petroleum fiscal regime, there has been a fluctuation of contractual agreements in use with foreign oil companies. After 2006, Bolivia’s contractual agreements finally began to benefit the state by allowing it to receive its fair share of wealth from its hydrocarbon resources. Additionally, Bolivia’s “nationalization” did not involve expropriation; instead it consisted of the enforcement of renegotiations of contractual agreements between the Bolivian State and foreign oil companies. The renegotiations are instrumental in explaining why foreign companies continue to operate in Bolivia’s hydrocarbon industry after its nationalization in 2006. This report will focus on examining Bolivia’s contractual agreements from 1990 until 2009 in order understand why foreign oil companies continue to operate in Bolivia’s hydrocarbon industry in spite of its 2006 nationalization. Bolivia’s main source of revenue comes from foreign companies’ exploitation and exploration of its hydrocarbon resources, yet Bolivia has always lost its fair share of wealth from its natural resources due to unfavorable contractual agreements with foreign oil companies. 3 Universidad de Chile Before the 2006 Nationalization, Bolivia had continuously given foreign investors the majority of revenue from its hydrocarbon resources in an effort to attract and keep foreign investors in its hydrocarbon industry. In the 1990s, Bolivia wanted to increase its levels of foreign direct investment in order to import new technologies as well as to improve the expertise in exploration, extraction, transport and production activities within its hydrocarbon industry. Bolivia’s main goal behind seeking FDI was to develop its hydrocarbon sector in order to increase its national wealth from its natural resources. In addition, Bolivia’s hydrocarbon sector was extremely undeveloped. The Bolivian State was ill equipped and had inefficient state assets to develop its hydrocarbon industry. Bolivia’s petroleum fiscal regime in the 1990s was designed to favor foreign investors in order to attract and maintain foreign investment within its hydrocarbon industry. However, this caused Bolivia to lose significant control over its hydrocarbon industry as well as the wealth from its hydrocarbon resources. As a result, it became necessary for Bolivia in 2006 to renegotiate their contracts with foreign energy companies in order for Bolivia to obtain its fair share of revenue from its hydrocarbon resources. Since 2005, the government has sought to increase its share of total hydrocarbon revenues. In May 2005, the former president, Carlos Mesa introduced a new Hydrocarbon Law No. 3058 which created a direct tax, the IDH (Direct Tax on Hydrocarbons), which required companies to pay 32% of production value to the state, in addition to an 18% royalty rate that was already required. However, this law was not yet implemented until Evo Morales became the president of Bolivia in 2006. Shortly after Evo Morales became president of Bolivia, he implemented the 2006 Nationalization Decree which mandated the Hydrocarbon Law No. 3058. This law required renegotiation of contractual agreements with all foreign oil companies operating in Bolivia. The Law No. 3058 made the Bolivian State owner of all hydrocarbon resources and private companies were permitted to only keep 18 percent of production value. This law also nationalized refineries and hydrocarbon distribution companies in order to ensure the presence of Bolivia’s national oil company YPFB (Yacimientos Petrolíferos Fiscales Bolivianos) in every stage of the value chain. These actions, together with the rising international hydrocarbon prices have increased the Bolivian state’s hydrocarbon revenues. 4 Universidad de Chile The information obtained from the research in this report, will explain why foreign companies continue to operate in exploration and production activities in Bolivia’s hydrocarbon industry since its 2006 nationalization. Bolivia’s strategy behind its nationalization and its current use of contractual agreements will provide the main arguments as to why foreign companies continue to operate in Bolivia in spite of its hydrocarbon nationalization in 2006.

Magíster en Gestión y Dirección de Empresas / El turismo es una actividad que debe procesar recursos naturales, culturales y humanos para usarlos de una manera articulada y planeada, haciendo partícipe a las comunidades locales en los destinos turísticos para cumplir con objetivos como el de ver realizado el sueño del turista, así como generar lucro para el empresario y principalmente, promover un desarrollo sustentable. Latinoamérica es una plaza que por diferentes motivos está creciendo en importancia como destino turístico, y Bolivia ocupa un puesto preferencial dentro de la oferta. El principal motivo de viaje a Bolivia, es por vacaciones, recreación u ocio (61%), registrándose un mayor número de viajes por este motivo entre los turistas Sudamericanos (24,2%), Centroamericanos (21.7%), Oceánicos (18,2%) y Norteamericanos (11,9%), en el año 2012. El presente trabajo consiste en un plan de negocios para la implementación de un operador turístico empleando una estrategia de diferenciación, cuya oficina estará ubicada en la ciudad de Santa Cruz - Bolivia, y su especialidad será la venta de paquetes turísticos a turistas internacionales de mayor poder adquisitivo, intermediando con las agencias de viajes. Los servicios o productos que se diseñarán, serán paquetes turísticos dirigidos a un estrato socioeconómico alto (abc1) e incluirán los siguientes servicios: transporte privado diferenciado, guías bilingües, hoteles de categoría *****, restaurantes de alta cocina (gourmet), circuitos o destinos turísticos especiales para este segmento, souvenirs o recordatorios del tour, entre otros, haciendo de esta, como la única empresa operadora de turismo en enfocarse en un segmento de turista, para ofrecer servicios de primer nivel en dicha ciudad. Para llevar a cabo este proyecto se requiere una inversión inicial de 1.118.950,00 Bolivianos, obteniendo un Valor Actual Neto de 521.501,95 Bolivianos.

Autorizada por el autor, pero con restricción para ser publicada a texto completo hasta el año 2014. / Memoria (licenciado en ciencias jurídicas y sociales) / Ésta memoria, básicamente e intentando ser lo más didáctica y clara posible, da conocer un conflicto que se ubica en nuestra frontera noreste, siendo uno de los tantos dilemas que tenemos con el gobierno boliviano. A grandes rasgos, el problema en sí consiste en el aprovechamiento aguas abajo, de un Río Internacional, hecho lícito, según la postura chilena y la postura boliviana, que califica de ilícito, el aprovechamiento por Chile de unos manantiales ubicados en la provincia de Sud Lípez que escurren hacia Chile. ¿Cómo se llega a este conflicto? El desarrollo de las posturas de ambos países, la legislación aplicable según cada posición, el conflicto en la actualidad y la presencia de la prensa como creadora y preservadora del problema, son algunos de los ámbitos que se desarrollaran al correr de éstas páginas.

[pt] Esta dissertação analisa a política externa do Governo Luiz Inácio Lula da Silva para a América do Sul e o processo decisório de seu gabinete nas relações exteriores em dois casos em que o governo brasileiro decidiu negociar a alteração de acordos na área de energia: a nacionalização do gás da Bolívia, em 2006, e a demanda do Paraguai para modificar o Tratado da Usina Binacional de Itaipu, em 2008 e 2009. O objetivo é contribuir para a discussão sobre a participação de atores domésticos no processo de formulação da política externa brasileira. A Presidência, o Ministério das Relações Exteriores e outros agentes estatais, como o Ministério de Minas e Energia, Petrobras, Eletrobras, Casa Civil e Ministério da Fazenda, participaram diretamente do processo decisório, que também sofreu influência de agentes sociais, como a Federação das Indústrias de São Paulo (Fiesp). O Brasil arcou com os custos de seu papel de líder regional, que foi assumido com mais clareza neste governo. A nacionalização do gás boliviano e as demandas do Paraguai para alterar o Tratado de Itaipu, apesar das suas consequências econômicas, tiveram uma conotação política, pelas dificuldades domésticas que os presidentes Evo Morales e Fernando Lugo enfrentavam quando decidiram pressionar o Brasil. As negociações bem sucedidas para seus gabinetes se tornaram uma forma de garantir a estabilidade política interna e, consequentemente, na região. / [en] This dissertation analyzes the foreign policy of Luís Inácio Lula da Silva’s government for South America and the decision-making process for foreign affairs of his cabinet. Specifically, two cases will be analyzed in which the Brazilian government decided to negotiate alterations to energy agreements: the nationalization of Bolivian gas (2006), and the demands of Paraguay to modify the Itaipu Treaty (2008-2009). The aim of this work is to contribute to the debate on domestic actors’ participation in the formulation process of Brazilian foreign policy. In both negotiations, the President, the Ministry of Foreign Affairs, and state agents, such as Ministry of Mines and Energy, Petrobras, Eletrobras, Civil House and Ministry of Finance, participated directly in the decision-making process. This process was also influenced by social agents, such as the Industry Federation of Sao Paulo (Fiesp). The Brazilian government preferred profits over the long-term. Consequently, there is a price of leadership, which Brazil is willing to pay to become a regional leader; a position assumed more clearly in this administration. The nationalization of the Bolivian gas and the Paraguayan demands to alter the Itaipu Treaty, besides its economic consequences, had political connotations, because of the domestic troubles Evo Morales and Fernando Lugo were facing when they decided to pressure Brazil. The successful negotiations became a pledge of political stability in both countries and, therefore, to the region.

This thesis considers perceptions of climate change in contemporary Bolivia. It commences with a view of a small highland community, Kaata, and expands outwards, tracing the networks of migration that connect this village to the city, and looking at how climate change discourse changes as we scale up to the national and international level. Climate change is considered in Kaata to constitute an ontological shift from the networks of reciprocity which until recently comprised a whole landscape, holding community members to one another as well as to neighbouring villages and telluric landscape spirits. Young people now increasingly desire city made commodities, engaging in capitalist relations which lead them away from this landscape. Climate change thus charts a weakening of the community, of people, their fields and rituals. While a modernist perspective is inclined to separate the weather, as ‘nature’, from ‘culture’ or human actions, Kaateños consider all these conversant animate elements of a system. I take this emic definition of climate change as the basis of this thesis. We continue, following the human element of this landscape, the young people, in the networks that draw them into the city, analysing the desires by which they are led there. Crucially, these are shaped by mimesis, emulating the city/western other through changing dress and dancing styles. I show how these dynamics of alterity are deeply rooted, resembling classic structuralist analyses of Andean culture based in the ethnic interplay of self and other. In Chapter Three I look at efforts to reform Bolivia’s agricultural system through implementing Food Sovereignty (FS). The social movements representing Kaata hope this would connect such villages into national markets and thus motivate young people to remain there through integrating the village into cash economies. I explore how such measures become influenced by a city-based discourse of an ideal rural ‘other’, which is inadequate to the contemporary reality of villages like Kaata, and limits their efficacy, even where young people desire return migration. The FS discourse is similarly influenced by a search for an ideal ‘other’ removed from capitalism. In Chapter Four I assess President Evo Morales’ claim to be effecting a pachakuti, a shift in the ontological bases of the nation, equal and counterposed to the Spanish conquest. Kaata challenges Morales’ assertion of a pachakuti of Andean against colonial values, as it considers that it is shifting to become more ‘white’. Indian actors are nationally rising within a landscape determined by international capital, revealing Morales’ pachakuti to be human-centred. Rather than transforming existing landscapes to make them more indigenous, this is a pachakuti or ontological shift to the landscape of the western ‘other’, entailing the ‘death’ of the highlands and tradition. The Tipnis crisis presents challenges Morales on the national stage. I conclude that while the animist landscapes Kaata evokes can help moderns conceptualise climate change, it does not provide the solution sought after from animist indigenous peoples at an international level. While they are fetishized as ‘the people outside capitalism’, human agency is but a small factor in an animist landscape, and humans have not the agency to combat climate change.

Networks of indigenous irrigating farmers played an influential role in the Cochabamba Water War of 2000 that succeeded in ousting the major water company Bechtel from Bolivia and securing changes to the national legislation to recognize indigenous water rights. In their mobilization against privatization, the irrigators used a narrative grounded in the defense of their water rights and traditional uses and customs or usos y costumbres. Following the Water War, the irrigators effectively organized to have their traditional water rights recognized in the new Irrigation Law no. 2878, which was signed into law in 2004, and the Regulations, which came into effect in 2006. This paper critically examines the impacts of the Irrigation Law on access to water in the heavily farmed region of the Cochabamba Valley. It asks whether the social inequalities amongst farming communities, often exacerbated by usos y costumbres, are being reinforced through the law’s implementation. An analysis of the political processes of institutional change and the power dynamics in the rural water sector reveals that the configuration of power asymmetries formalized in the Irrigation Law maintains unequal access to water resources.

This thesis analyzes the political, economic and social changes during the presidency of Evo Morales in Bolivia and Hugo Chávez in Venezuela. Its main goal is to find out whether Evo Morales follows Hugo Chávez directions and to compare the recent results of the applied reforms.