<p>The purpose of this study is to investigate if reconciliation between former war-enemies and ethnic groups (Muslims, Croats and Serbs) in Bosnia and Hercegovina is possible today. Reconciliation between these groups is necessary for the development of the state and sustainable peace. In order to fulfil the aim I have applied qualitative conversation interviews together with qualitative literature study.</p><p>In this research I have studied the three largest parties (SDA, HDZ and SDS) in Bosnia and Herzegovina. Conversation interviews were made with two representatives of each party. The reconciliation theory and the recommendations that the theory advocates were used in the study. The recommendations were also used to create interview questions that gave me relevant empirical data from the interviews. The interview data with the high representatives of these political parties led to a valid result.</p><p>The conclusions show that reconciliation between these three ethnic groups in Bosnia and Herzegovina is not possible today. Huge political, economical and social changes and improvements are necessary. All three classes, top-level, middle-range and grassroots, must get involved in the process if reconciliation is to be possible.</p><p>Keywords: Bosnia and Herzegovina, reconciliation, ethnic groups, political parties.</p>

<p>In this paper corruption in Bosnia and Herzegovina has been studied to investigate to what extent corruption inhibits Bosnia and Herzegovina’s possibilities of integrating with EU.</p><p>The overarching research question is how occurrence of various types and forms of corruption affect the possibilities of Bosnia and Herzegovina to fulfill the criteria negotiated by the EU. In order to undertake this exploration the study uses typologies to identify and categorize the various forms of corruption that exist in Bosnia and Herzegovina and theories about the impact of these forms of corruption. After that these forms of corruption are analyzed in relation to their impact on the various political and economic criteria that are set for integration and membership in EU, such as independent justice system and the acceleration of the privatization process.</p><p>The results show that corruption in Bosnia and Herzegovina represents a major obstacle to several of the criteria set by the EU and thereby integration with EU. Even though that these priorities are told to be set with realistic goals these priorities will be difficult to fulfill with such widespread corruption as in Bosnia and Herzegovina today.</p>

Nearly twenty years after the brutal conflict that occurred in Bosnia and Herzegovina (BiH), ethnosectarian ideology continues to permeate all structures and institutions of Bosnian society, from political and educational institutions to religious and cultural ones; most of all, it is significantly embodied in the everyday life of people in Bosnia. It is these everyday practices that I investigate in order to unravel how ethnicity is (re)produced, performed and experienced through mundane practices of moving through space. Specifically, this dissertation asks: What socio-spatial practices and emotional experiences are involved in the processes of solidifying, as well as dissolving, ethnic identity in BiH? The study is a primarily qualitative investigation of daily life, based on deployment of multiple methods such as participant observation, interviews and a photography project. The site of the study is the town of Mostar in southwestern BiH. It has been formally and informally divided between "Croat/Catholic" west Mostar and "Bosniak/Muslim" east Mostar for over 15 years. The findings point to the ways identity and space emerge as performative effects of practice, as well as how different processes of bordering (between "us" and "them"; between "our" and "their" side) are materialized through different affective intensities.

In Bosnia and Herzegovina (BiH), a paradigmatic example of a transitional post-conflict society governed by an externally-driven process of neo-liberal state-building, police reforms have played an important role in supporting the transposition of a particular variant of liberal order through security governance at the national and sub-national levels. This order is primarily constructed to reflect the interests of BiH’s supranational architect and benefactor since 2003: the European Union. It is less responsive to the interests or the needs of BiH citizens or constitutionally established governing institutions (Chandler 1999). Historically, prescriptions for police reform in BiH have been defined by various representatives of the international community in BiH rather than domestic policy makers or practitioners. They have also been glocally-responsive in their design. In other words, they have been introduced to generate policy alignment and to support the harmonisation of local policing mentalities and practices with the EU’s security interests in the Western Balkans as well as dominant ‘European’ approaches to controlling crime (Juncos 2011; Ryan 2011). In practice, however, it is evident that the outputs and outcomes generated by police reforms in BiH regularly deviate from their initial design. This is particularly evident in relation to a handful of community policing initiatives introduced in BiH over the past decade (e.g. Deljkic and Lučić‐Ćatić 2011). Using a meso-level analysis of two community-oriented policing projects implemented in 2011, this research draws on the conceptual framework of ‘policy translation’ (Lendvai and Stubbs 2006) to illuminate the agentive capacities of international development workers and local police practitioners and their role in shaping the conceptual and programmatic contours of glocally-responsive policing reforms in BiH. My first case study examines the translational capacity of international development workers at a major multi-lateral international development agency in BiH using an ethnographic account of my three-month placement with the United Nations Development Programme’s (UNDP) ‘Safer Communities’ project in BiH in 2011. My second case study is used to illustrate the translational capacities of police practitioners working to implement an externally-initiated community policing project in Sarajevo Canton. Drawing from these case studies, I determine that the international political economy of global liberal governance and the interests of powerful global actors play only a limited role in affecting outputs and outcomes generated by internationally-driven police reforms. Rather, I argue that the concept of policy translation demonstrates that relatively disempowered actors like international development workers and local police practitioners can draw upon their agency and institutional resources to shape these policy making processes and in doing so, potentially contribute to more democratically responsive policing outputs and structures. My findings further suggest that important opportunities do exist for motivated reformers to foster deliberative forms of security governance in weak and structurally dependent societies like BiH and recognising and enhancing these can help to alleviate the potential consequences of introducing contextually or culturally inappropriate Western policing models to these societies. This is significant because it highlights the prospect of addressing the structural inequalities associated with global and transnational policing (Bowling and Sheptycki 2012), police reforms pursued in the context of liberal state-building projects (Ryan 2011) and donor-driven international police development assistance projects (Ellison and Pino 2012).

This thesis examines the unstable nature and dynamic impact of contemporary nationalism on the arduous process of reconstituting a modern multinational state. The basic research question concerns the relationship between nationalism and multinational democracy, or more specifically how nationalist forces may facilitate or impede the intricate process of political transition, democratic transformation and stabilization of the newly formed Bosnia and Herzegovina as a state. The findings indicate that nationalism and exclusive ethno-nationalist politics create serious inter-group security challenges and significantly hinder the process democratization, state-building and political transformation. The main obstacle to a coherent political system is based on the fact that nationalism causes an unconstrained reconfiguration of political space. This is apparent in BiH where exclusive nationalist politics continue to dominate the domestic and inter-national political agenda, thus limiting the capacity for political reforms, security and stability. As nationalism is a grave security threat to multinational states, there is a pressing need to manage nationalism with confidence building mechanisms that strengthen the state’s capacity to ensure enduring security and stability.

This thesis examines the unstable nature and dynamic impact of contemporary nationalism on the arduous process of reconstituting a modern multinational state. The basic research question concerns the relationship between nationalism and multinational democracy, or more specifically how nationalist forces may facilitate or impede the intricate process of political transition, democratic transformation and stabilization of the newly formed Bosnia and Herzegovina as a state. The findings indicate that nationalism and exclusive ethno-nationalist politics create serious inter-group security challenges and significantly hinder the process democratization, state-building and political transformation. The main obstacle to a coherent political system is based on the fact that nationalism causes an unconstrained reconfiguration of political space. This is apparent in BiH where exclusive nationalist politics continue to dominate the domestic and inter-national political agenda, thus limiting the capacity for political reforms, security and stability. As nationalism is a grave security threat to multinational states, there is a pressing need to manage nationalism with confidence building mechanisms that strengthen the state’s capacity to ensure enduring security and stability.

The presence of state capture and political disadvantages incite the emergence of social movements, which hope to induce a removal of political disadvantages. In Bosnia and Herzegovina (BiH) protests and social movements have been initiated for several reasons, often to lay attention on the government's dysfunction. Nationalism has been shown to potentially be destructive in those ways it is used to silence the opposition and this essay has identified how nationalism has been a tool for politicians to repress social movements in BiH. By using the paper's theoretical framework, a discursive analysis of politicians’ repressive statements towards three different types of social movements has been done. The three types of social movements included in the analysis are the LGBT movement in BiH, the student movements in Jajce and Travnik and the ‘Justice for David’ movement in Banja Luka. The results have shown that repression mostly occurs through emphasizing the threat of the movement in different ways as well as invoking nationalism. Nationalism is also frequently present through the classification of a “we” and “them”. Future research would benefit from explaining why specific aspects of nationalistic discourse are more common than others in politicians' repressive statements.

yes / The transformation dynamics of Bosnia and Herzegovina (BiH) and Kosovo rubs salt into the war wounds of economically vulnerable sectors of society in a context of fragile political and security situations, complex or ambiguous constitutional status and an imprecise and contested balance of power between international direction and local ownership. The protectors have been imposing a model of economic transformation, ultimately derived from the neoliberal economic ideology of aggressive capitalism and the 1989 Washington consensus on developmentalism. The inhabitants of war-torn societies have often clung to clientism, shadow economic activities and resistance to centrally-audited exchange. This paper contends that what is sometimes portrayed as a clash between neoliberal modernity and a pre-modern `Balkan way¿ is questionable in its dyadic assumptions and its underestimation of linkages between the spheres of neoliberalism and nationalist¿mafia¿clientism.

Nationalist discourse has played an important role in the breakup of Yugoslavia, with particularly extensive influence on the future of the republic of Bosnia-Herzegovina. The tensions raised by ethno-nationalist rhetoric would lead to a 1992-1995 War that effectively segregated the population of Bosnia into three ethnic camps and destroyed the country's trademark multiculturalism. Bosnia emerged from the war as a weak union of two ethno-territories; the Bosniak-Croat Federation (FBiH) and the Serb-dominated Republic of Srpska (RS). During the first post-war decade, it made considerable progress towards reconciliation and Euro-Atlantic integrations. However, in May of 2006 the Prime Minister of RS Milorad Dodik made first of a series of comments that advocated the right of RS to hold independence referendum, signalizing a major return of inflammatory and divisive ethno-nationalist rhetoric. What we can call "RS Referendum Discourse" is not exactly a new object or desire, but its articulation and expression from 2006 onwards deserves careful consideration on its own merits. This thesis seeks to document the emergence and performative structure of the RS Referendum Discourse through a textual analysis of how it was registered and recorded in two Bosnian daily newspapers. The research is an empirical study of nationalism as expressed in discourse on the future of the Bosnian state. / Master of Arts

<p>Uvodno poglavlje je svojevrstan prolog u kojem se ukazuje na istorijske okolnosti pod kojim se istraživano područje formiralo kao istorijsko-geografska oblast, na mnoge administrativne, odnosno teritorijalne promene, na izolovanost, ali i na česta ratna pusto&scaron;enja koja su imala znatan uticaj na socijalnu i etničku strukturu stanovni&scaron;tva koje je u skladu sa svojim dinarskim poreklom do danas zadržalo svoj identitet, kako na planu materijalne, tako i na planu duhovne kulture Načelno je predstavljena tematika ovog rada, uz obrazloženja o opravdanosti odabira teme.<br />Studija je zasnovana na terenskim istraživanjima obavljenim u 44 naselja ove oblasti. Uz to, u radu je kori&scaron;ćena i građa akademika Vlade Milo&scaron;evića koja potiče iz desetak naselja. Transkribovane su 194 pesme, kako dvoglasne, starijeg i novijeg sloja, tako i one jednoglasne (uspavanke, tužbalice, svatovske, putničke i dr.).<br />Ovde se detaljno govori o najznačajnijim karakteristikama tradicionalnog narodnog pevanja severozapadne Bosne, uno&scaron;enjem svojevrsnog reda u ono &scaron;to se do sada znalo o ovom pevanju, najvi&scaron;e iz tekstova akademika Vlade Milo&scaron;evića, ali i iz istraživanja nekolicine istraživača koji su se ovim pevanjem bavili u novije vreme. Ova studija iznosi i niz novih podataka do kojih se do&scaron;lo na osnovu vlastitog istraživanja autora.<br />Posebna pažnja posvećena je i &quot;ojkači&quot; kao tradicionalnoj pesmi Bosanske Krajine, gde se ističe da je u pitanju naziv koji po svom obliku podseća na tradicionalni (&quot;ojkanje&quot;), ali i na to da je on u osnovi nov, srodan onom &quot;izvorno pevanje (pesma)&quot; koje<br />postoji i u Srbiji. To se potkrepljuje činjenicom da etnomuzikolog Vlado Milo&scaron;ević ojkaču ne pominje ni jedan jedini put, kao i kazivanjima pevača koji se sećaju vremena kada ovaj termin nije postojao u njihovoj praksi.<br />Kao značajnim, u ovoj studiji se govori o karakteristikama stiha, karakteristikama tempa, tonskim karakteristikama, kao i sazvučnim karakteristikama (sa oblicima dvoglasa, heterofonijom i heterofonijom-bordunom kad su u pitanju stariji oblici dvoglasa, te homofonijom, kod novijih dvoglasnih oblika pevanja).</p> / <p>Preface is the sort of prologue in which it was referred to historical circumstances on which the field of research was formed as the historical and geographical domain, upon many administrative and territorial changes, isolation, and the frequent wartime devastation which had important influence on the social and ethnic structure of the population, who had held its identity up to date in accordance with the origin from Dinara Mountain, in the field of material and spiritual culture.<br />The theme of this work is shown in principle with the explanation of validity of choosing the topic.<br />The study is based on the field researches that are made in the 44 settlements of the mentioned area. Besides, academician Vlado Milosevic&rsquo;s inheritance which originates from ten of the settlements had been used in this work. In the study 194 songs had been transcribed, two voices songs both past and present layer, and single voice songs (lullabies, laments, wedding, travel etc.)<br />The most important characteristics of traditional folk singing in northwest Bosnia here are explained in details, introducing a kind of order in what was so far known about this type of singing, mostly from academician Vlado Milosevic&rsquo;s texts and from the professional work of few researchers who were recently dealt with this type of singing.<br />Special attention is paid on the traditional song from Bosanska Krajina called &ldquo;ojkača&rdquo;. It is emphasized that the title recalls to the traditional way of singing called &ldquo;ojkanje&rdquo;, and the fact it is basically new and related to the term &ldquo;traditional singing&rdquo; which also exists in Serbia.<br />It is corroborated with the fact that<br />ethnomusicologist Vlado Milosevic not even once mentioned &ldquo;ojkača&rdquo; song and with the sayings of the singers who remember the period when this term has not existed in their field of work.<br />This study significantly talks about characteristics of the verse, the characteristics of the tempo, tonal characteristics, as well as comprehensive characteristics (with the forms of two voices singing, heterophony and bordun heterophony when it is about the elder forms of two voices singing and homophony as in the modern forms of two voices singing).</p>