Several Supreme Court cases in the latter half of the 20th Century established a criminal defendant's due process right to put forward an effective defense. To put forward an effective defense, one must be able to introduce exculpatory evidence on one's behalf. A defendant's witness may claim the right against self-incrimination, in which case the defendant may request immunity for the witness so that he will testify. If that request is denied, a defendant's due process right to put forward an effective defense may be implicated. The refusal to grant defense witness immunity is one instance of suppression of evidence. In a string of cases in the Third Circuit, the courts have implemented a test for determining under what conditions a due process violation occurs in this situation. But, there is significant reason to believe that in implementing the test the court has relied on incorrect assumptions. This paper discusses how the court has relied on unwarranted assumptions to make due process determinations, and concludes that in so doing it has imposed too high a standard for a due process violation. First, the court interprets the test as a test for a due process violation, when there is reason to believe that the court articulating the test meant it to be a test for the appropriateness of judicially created immunity as the remedy for an existing due process violation. Second, the court makes an unwarranted assumption that any strong governmental interest countervails against a grant of witness immunity. Third, the court imposes too high a standard for determining what counts as a strong governmental interest because it does not give sufficient weight the context of the determination. These three unwarranted assumptions suggest that the court has imposed too high a standard for determining due process violations. / text

Thesis (M.A.)--Villanova University, 2009. / English Dept. Includes bibliographical references.

The topic of this diploma thesis is the matter of the role of imagination in aesthetic appreciation of nature. Starting points of the inquiry are the concepts of Ronald W. Hepburn, Emily Brady, Marcia Muelder Eaton and others. This work tries to show, in spite of the divergencies of views that the philosophers hold, not only the differences but also similarities of their apprehensions of the role of imagination in aesthetic appreciation of nature. The aim of the thesis is among others to answer the following questions: What are the modes of imaginative activity relating to aesthetic object? What is the difference between execution of imagination in aesthetic experiencing of nature and in experiencing works of art? What is the role of exercise of imagination in developing and preserving sustainable environments? Is the cooperation of imaginative model and science- based model of aesthetic appreciation of nature possible? The first part of the work concerns the presentation of relevant approaches. The second part compares different understandings of the role of imagination in aesthetic appreciation of nature and it answers the question of how imagination relates to the discussed aesthetic object. The following parts of the work focus on answering above-mentioned questions.

My dissertation focuses on the existence of metrics of non-positive curvature for the simplicial complexes constructed recently by Tom Brady and Daan Krammer for the braid groups and other Artin groups of finite type. In particular, for each Artin group of finite type, there is a recently constructed finite simplicial Eilenberg-Mac Lane space known as its Brady-Krammer complex. The Brady-Krammer complexes are highly symmetric objects. Prior work on the relationship between the Brady-Krammer complexes and the theory of CAT(0)spaces has produced some positive results in low-dimensions. More specifically, the Brady-Krammer complexes of dimension at most 3 have been shown to support piecewise Euclidean metrics of non-positive curvature. Similarly, the 4dimensional Brady-Krammer complexes of type A4 and type B4 also support such metrics. In every instance, the metrics assigned respect all of the symmetries alluded to above. The main results of my dissertation show that this pattern does not extend to the Brady-Krammer complexes of type F4 and D4. These are the first negative results known about the curvature of these Brady-Krammer complexes. The proofs of my main theorems involve a combination of combinatorial results and computer calculations. These negative results are particularly striking since Ruth Charney, John Meier and Kim Whittlesey have shown that a particular complex closely related to each Brady-Krammer complex admits an asymmetric metric satisfying a weak version of non-positive curvature. Thus, one corollary of my results is that the weak asymmetric version of a CAT(0) metric (initially defined by Mladen Bestvina) is strictly weaker than the traditional version.

My dissertation focuses on the existence of metrics of non-positive curvature for the simplicial complexes constructed recently by Tom Brady and Daan Krammer for the braid groups and other Artin groups of finite type. In particular, for each Artin group of finite type, there is a recently constructed finite simplicial Eilenberg-Mac Lane space known as its Brady-Krammer complex. The Brady-Krammer complexes are highly symmetric objects. Prior work on the relationship between the Brady-Krammer complexes and the theory of CAT(0)spaces has produced some positive results in low-dimensions. More specifically, the Brady-Krammer complexes of dimension at most 3 have been shown to support piecewise Euclidean metrics of non-positive curvature. Similarly, the 4dimensional Brady-Krammer complexes of type A4 and type B4 also support such metrics. In every instance, the metrics assigned respect all of the symmetries alluded to above. The main results of my dissertation show that this pattern does not extend to the Brady-Krammer complexes of type F4 and D4. These are the first negative results known about the curvature of these Brady-Krammer complexes. The proofs of my main theorems involve a combination of combinatorial results and computer calculations. These negative results are particularly striking since Ruth Charney, John Meier and Kim Whittlesey have shown that a particular complex closely related to each Brady-Krammer complex admits an asymmetric metric satisfying a weak version of non-positive curvature. Thus, one corollary of my results is that the weak asymmetric version of a CAT(0) metric (initially defined by Mladen Bestvina) is strictly weaker than the traditional version.

On 6 May 1966 the ‘Trial of the Century’ came to an end. Chester Assizes court convicted Ian Brady and Myra Hindley for the murders of 12-year-old John Kilbride, 10-year-old Lesley Ann Downey, and 17-year-old Edward Evans. The court found Brady guilty on all three murder charges and sentenced him to three concurrent life sentences. Hindley received two life sentences for the murders of Downey and Evans, and a further seven years for being an after-the-fact accomplice in Brady’s murder of Kilbride. Following the description already given to the police investigation and trial, the newspapers gave Brady and Hindley the infamous label of the ‘Moors Murderers’ straight after the trial. The Moors murders have become a part of British folklore since the 1960s, but the case itself has hitherto received surprisingly little attention from academic historians. Following Martin Wiener’s injunction for historians to pay closer attention to murder stories, this doctoral thesis presents a cultural history of the Moors murders case. My study analyses the courtroom arguments, media coverage and post-trial books about the case, to interrogate broader themes of moral and cultural change in 1960s Britain. My thesis emphasises the multi-vocal nature of representations of both the case and the murderers in order to challenge the linear and progressive historiographies of the 1960s, associated in particular with Arthur Marwick. The thesis examines four major facets of the Moors murders story, dedicating a chapter to each. The first chapter explores how the news media (primarily the press, but also broadcast media) negotiated the story. The first detailed empirical analysis of newspaper coverage of the case reveals the limitations of studies structured primarily around social class. The thesis follows Stuart Hall and A.C.H. Smith in arguing that analyses of the press should not be reduced to a simple differentiation between popular, middle-brow and high-brow but should instead consider the ‘personalities’ of each publication and the moral relationships constructed with readers. Furthermore, the chapter engages with Adrian Bingham’s recent argument about the moral politics of the press, exploring his assertion that the popular press balanced commercial profits alongside a commitment to maintain their reputation as ‘family newspapers’. The chapter argues that content of the press coverage of the Moors murders case generated far greater concerns than the suspect practices of journalists. Chapters two and three focus in turn on the diverse representations of Ian Brady and Myra Hindley. Commentators debated the origins of the evil behind the murders, with some highlighting his illegitimacy, others his reading of ‘dangerous’ books, the writings of the Marquis de Sade especially. Hindley’s role was hotly contested: most commentators emphasised how she had changed under Brady’s influence, but disagreed over the extent of her own involvement in the murders. The thesis reveals for the first time how images of Nazi Germany shadowed the case. The thesis thus contributes to historical investigations of permissiveness in post-war England, engaging with debates about censorship, child-rearing, the changing role of women, and the popular memory of the holocaust. The fourth and final chapter analyses the tensions generated around a murder story which took place in urban settings, but which became indelibly associated with the rural locations of the moors. The story mobilised a distinctive combination of gothic imagery with a long literary heritage, and the more recent language of social realism.

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Prenant appui sur un ensemble d’entretiens auprès des protagonistes, la base de données des émissions de titres publics du Bureau National de Crédit Public et un large corpus d'articles de presse, cette recherche analyse la relation entre ressources économiques et pouvoir politique en étudiant l’impact de l’intégration semi-périphérique au système financier mondial sur la coalition sociopolitique au pouvoir en Argentine de 1989 à 2001. Cette coalition était composée des partis politiques au gouvernement, ce qui garantissait la légitimité démocratique, des technocrates des think tanks du libéralisme économique, des grandes entreprises locales et des acteurs privés du système financier mondial. Contrairement aux pays centraux qui sont au coeur du système financier mondial et les périphériques, qui en sont exclus, l'Argentine représente un cas d'intégration "semipériphérique", c’est-à-dire, avec un accès variable au crédit privé externe en fonction de la perception des principaux acteurs privés du système financier sur le risque de défaut des paiements de la dette. Cette intégration a joué un rôle important sur la formation, la consolidation et la dissolution de la coalition socio-politique au pouvoir. D'une part, le plan de Convertibilité implique une dépendance structurelle de l’afflux de devises pourassurer la stabilité économique. D'autre part, les caractéristiques de l'intégration du système financier mondial ont été modifiées par le plan Brady, qui implique une substitution de la dette publique de prêt bancaire par des titres, et le processus de mondialisation. Contrairement aux prêts bancaires, les titres sont des produits échangés sur un marché où les prêteurs prennent des décisions d’investissement de court terme en fonction de leur perception du risque de défaut de paiement de la dette. Cette perception, qui implique une surveillance permanente sur la politique économique, détermine la capacité de l'État à s’endetter et soutenir ainsi l’afflux de devises. / This research explores the link between economic resources and political power focusing on how Argentina’s semi-peripheral integration into the global financial system influenced power relations within the country’s ruling coalition between the years 1989 and 2001. The findings are supported by evidence from interviews of decision-makers, the National Public Credit Office database on sovereign debt issues, and a large body of press articles. This ruling coalition during this period comprised political parties in government, granting democratic legitimacy, technocrats from economic liberal think tanks and players with economic resources including local business groups and private actors of the global financial system. Unlike those central countries that make up the “core” of the global system, or periphery countries, which are at the margins or are excluded from this system, Argentina represents a case of a “semi-peripheral” integration. This can be seen in the country’s variable access to external private borrowing which is dependent how the major private players in the financial system perceive the risk of debt default. This integration has had an impact on the formation, consolidation, and dissolution of the socio-political ruling coalition. On the one hand, the Convertibility Plan entailed a structural dependence on foreign currency inflow to ensure economic stability. On the other, the integration into the global financial system was modified after the Brady Plan. Unlike bank loans, the securities were traded goods in a market where lenders made short-term investment decisions based on their perceived risk of debt payment default. This perception, which involved a permanent monitoring of economic policy, determined the state's capacity to access borrowing and sustain foreign currency inflows.

Le véritable enseignement de la présente étude réside en ce que, comme déjà évoqué, le poids de l’appareil judiciaire finit par acquérir plus de consistance que le crime lui-même. A « l’aventure criminelle », c’est-à-dire celle, tragique, des faits à réprimer, se substitue « l’aventure judiciaire », celle de la marche de la justice en vue de parvenir au jugement des faits. Qu’il s’agisse du procès pénal français ou anglo-saxon, l’étude démontre que les règles applicables sont d’une telle complexité qu’elles génèrent une logique judiciaire spécifique et presque détachée des faits à traiter. Les praticiens sont souvent surpris du contraste entre les faits à juger, dont les mobiles et les circonstances sont toujours simples, et la solution judiciaire plus et/ou trop élaborée.L’étude démontre encore le caractère immuable et presque immobile de la justice pénale. Qu’il s’agisse de la France ou des pays anglo-saxons, les fondamentaux des deux systèmes judiciaires en concurrence –procédure inquisitoire ou procédure accusatoire- sont les mêmes depuis le Moyen Âge. Certes, des réformes interviennent, le poids du contradictoire s’accroit, les procédures de recours sont organisées, etc. Mais il s’agit toujours en France de faire faire une enquête approfondie avant procès par un organe d’état et, dans les pays anglo-saxons, de voir s’affronter deux thèses avec un avantage pratique à l’accusation.C’est que, comme le démontre aussi l’étude, la philosophie sociale de chacun des deux mondes français et anglo-saxon est différente sur le statut du suspect : objet d’une recherche de la vérité en France et presque coupable chez les Anglo-Saxons.Cette philosophie sociale en recoupe une autre : la philosophie politique. En France, l’individu est assisté car l’Etat est plus grand que lui ; dans les pays anglo-saxons, l’individu est un homme libre et seul responsable de son destin. Dès lors, en France, l’Etat veut forger sa propre opinion sur des faits délictueux ; dans les pays anglo-saxons, l’affrontement des individus (parquetiers et défenseurs) prime le reste. De plus, dans ces pays, la liberté et l’indépendance reconnues à l’individu le rendent davantage responsable de ses faits et gestes, d’où l’importance démesurée accordée à l’aveu. Pour autant, cette philosophie politique d’un citoyen libre et fort est un extraordinaire levier pour l’Histoire de la Liberté et celle aussi de l’Expansion économique. Sans elle, les pays européens du continent n’auraient sans doute pas pu se soustraire à la botte de conquérants. Sans elle, les Etats-Unis ne seraient pas une locomotive du développement.Il ne faudrait pas croire non plus que le monde anglo-saxon n’a fait que peu d’apports positifs au procès pénal. C’est à la loi britannique sur l’Habeas corpus de 1679 que l’on doit l’idée d’un délai raisonnable pour être jugé et, à défaut, le droit à être remis en liberté. C’est encore aux Britanniques que l’on doit l’idée de droits de la défense recensés en tant que tels, d’abord dans certains articles de la Magna Carta de 1212 puis dans le Bill of Rights de 1689. C’est aux Américains que l’on doit l’idée de sacraliser les droits de la défense en leur donnant un contenu constitutionnel par les amendements à la Constitution de 1787, ajoutés à partir de 1789, une idée qui sera reprise bien plus tard dans la Convention Européenne des Droits de l’Homme et des libertés fondamentales.L’étude montre donc que les pays anglo-saxons réputés pragmatiques ont plutôt fait des contributions de principe, sans mesurer que les applications pratiques qu’ils en tirent dénaturent le procès pénal. L’étude montre aussi que la France, réputée pour ses approches dogmatiques et rationnelles mais d’une raison déconnectée des réalités, a une vision bien plus juste du procès pénal.L’étude a enfin montré que, dans le domaine de la justice pénale, les mondes français et anglo-saxons s’ignorent. / This study shows that the criminal process finally acquires more consistency than the crime itself. The “criminal adventure”, namely the tragical story of the crime itself, turns into “the judicial adventure”, namely the path of justice towards the final decision (conviction or dismissal). Whether it deals with the French or with the Anglo-Saxon models, the legal rules are so complicated that they create a judicial logic which is specific and clipped from the facts of the case. In comparison, the motives and the circumstances of a crime are always simple. Accordingly, the judicial issue appears to be more (and often too much) elaborated than the crime itself.The study also shows the unchanging character of the criminal justice. Whether it is in France or in the Anglo-Saxon countries, the fundamentals of the two justices which are concurrent – inquisitorial model and adversary one- are the same that in the Middle Age. Of course, some reforms happened. The importance of the rule of the contradictory increases, etc. However, the main concern of the French justice still deals with a pretrial investigation which is very thoroughly conducted by a state agency. The Anglo-Saxon model always lies in the confrontation of two thesis with a practical advantage given to the prosecution. These different approaches by the two justices are attributable to a different social philosophy. The status of the suspected person greatly differs whether he is prosecuted in France or in the Anglo-Saxon countries: in France, this status is a matter of the search for the truth; in the Anglo-Saxon countries, this status is in practice that of an almost guilty one, even if his guilt must be proved beyond a reasonable doubt.This social and/or ethic philosophy recuts another one: the political philosophy. In France, the individual is assisted since the State is deemed to be “stronger” than him; in the Anglo-Saxon countries, the individual is a free man; accordingly, he is solely responsible for his acts. Therefore, in France, the State wants to fix up its own opinion about the crime; in the Anglo-Saxon countries, the confrontation of the prosecution and the lawyer outdoes all the rest, in particular the truth. Moreover, in these countries, according to the freedom and the independence of the individual, an undue importance is given to confessions.However, the Anglo-Saxon political philosophy is an extraordinary lever for the history and the liberty and also for the economic expansion. Without it, the continental countries would not have been able to be freed from the conquerors of the two world wars and the cold war. Without it, the US would not be a forefront of the progress.We do not consider that the Anglo-Saxon world made few positive contributions to the criminal proceedings. Indeed, this is the famous English Habeas Corpus Act of 1679 which created the idea of a reasonable time to be tried in court and, if not, to be released from prison. From the English comes the idea of an explicit list of rights of the defence, in particular in some articles in the Magna Carta of 1212 and then officially included in the Bill of Rights of 1689. From the Americans comes the idea of making the rights of defence sacred through the amendments of the constitution. We remember that this idea arrived late in Europe with the ECHR.Therefore, the study shows that the Anglo-Saxons countries which benefit from a reputation of pragmatism have rather acted as theoreticians of criminal law. They have provided the world of criminal justice mainly with contributions close to symbols. They have underestimated the consequences of these symbols in the practice of the criminal proceedings. The study shows also that the French, who are often known for their dogmatic approach of problems, have a better understanding of the criminal proceedings.The study shows especially that the Anglo-Saxon world of criminal justice and the French one totally ignore each other.