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By 2010, forty-six years after the Civil Rights Act of 1964 and two years after the election of the nation's first Black president, Barack Obama, the U.S. had seemingly become a post-racial society. However, in 2010, Arizona’s Senate Bill 1070 was under fire and challenged as racially discriminatory. While the bill was popular among white Arizonians, critics charged that SB1070 could facilitate the racial profiling of all Latinos in state law enforcement officers' efforts to check the legal status of those they suspect are undocumented. Analyzing 70 recordings from the Arizona house floor, press conferences, and television interviews during 2009-2012, I investigate how elected and public officials discuss their support for this contested legislation. Proponents of the bill largely used color-blind maneuvers in response to questions concerning racial profiling and Latinos, but simultaneously constructed racialized undocumented immigrants as criminals and economic burdens. Consequently, political supporters of SB 1070 engaged in a racial discourse evoking an implicit white injury ideology that positioned whites as injured by the presence of racialized immigrants, while all Latinos were discursively constructed as immigrants irrespective of their citizenship status, and therefore constructed as outside the (white injured) citizenry.

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Background: Critical race theorist, Eduardo Bonilla-Silva (2014), states that the racial climate in the United States has shifted away from the more overt forms of racism towards a race-neutral and (Bobo, 2011; Lentin, 2011; Plaut, 2010; Smith et al., 2011) color blind ideology (Alexander, 2012; Emerson & Smith, 2000; Omi & Winant, 2014; Smith et al., 2011; Wise, 2010). According to Gushue and Constantine (2007), “The conscious or unconscious minimization, denial, or distortion of race and racism is known as color blindness” (Neville et al., 2000; Neville et al., 2001). This erroneous perspective is detrimental (Atwater, 2008) to the organizational structure of the United States (Emerson & Smith, 2000), especially the Christian [church] (Bonilla-Silva, 2002; Yancey, 2010). In the state of Mississippi, approximately 170,000 (UMData, 2017) Black and White individuals identify as United Methodist. This racial composition is unique to Mississippi because Blacks make up a large proportion of the population (Census, 2010). However, little to no research has been conducted to examine the colorblind racial attitudes of adults in The United Methodist Church (UMC) or to evaluate current anti-racism programs in Mississippi’s UMC. According to The UMC’s official website, no formalized evidence-based program exist that both teaches and trains its members to be engaged in racial justice. Therefore, the development of an intervention that investigates color-blind racial ideology (Neville, et al., 2013) from a critical race theory framework is needed. Program Description: Counter Narrative is a faith-based program, set to be implemented spring of 2018 in The UMC. The program challenges three notions: racism is no longer a problem, Christians should be colorblind, and that the church is silent about racial injustices. It has three components: Revising the Narrative (anti-racism workshops), Rewriting the Narrative (cross-racial training program), and R2 (race relations task force). Aim: Engage adults in constructive dialogue around race Explore and examine participants personal attitudes, behaviors, and language towards race colorblindness Educate participants about the historical context of racism and racial equity in America and The UMC Equip participants with the resources and skills to build authentic cross-racial relationships and to become racial justice advocates Methodology: Revising the Narrative—6 anti-racism workshops will be held in one year, for approximately eight hours each. Each session will be co-facilitated by individuals trained in anti-racism and will include a worship service, an overview of the social principles, history of the church’s commitment to eradicate racism, content knowledge, and processing exercises. Evaluation: Pretest/posttest survey will be administered with multiple follow-ups. Rewriting the Narrative—31 sessions (Training, Social Events, Service Learning, and Diversity Workshop) will take place over one year. Evaluation: Pretest/posttest survey will be administered and focus groups will be conducted. R2—12 meetings will be held, once a month for two hours. Also, participants will receive at least 14 hours of anti-racism training. Evaluation: Pretest/posttest survey will be administered and in-depth interviews will be conducted at the end of the year. Long-Term Objective: Reduce racial colorblindness and racial tension between Black and White Christians.

abstract: Internalized racism is a destructive, yet insidious psychological effect of racism. Although it has garnered increased attention in the research and clinical community due to its pervasive impact in racial minority individuals, empirical research on this topic has been limited. At the time of this study, no existing scale captures the key dimensions of internalized racism of Asian Americans. This study attempted to fill this gap by developing a self-report instrument that identified the key dimensions of this psychological construct. Seven hundred and fourteen Asian Americans participated in this study, and exploratory and confirmatory factor analyses were conducted to investigate the factor structure of the scale. Results indicated that the Internalized Racism Scale for Asian Americans (IRSAA) has five factors, which are Endorsement of Negative Stereotypes, Sense of Inferiority, Denial or Minimization of Racism, Emasculation of Asian American Men, and Within-group Discrimination. This dissertation also examines and discusses the evidence of convergent, discriminant, and incremental validity for the IRSAA subscales. / Dissertation/Thesis / Doctoral Dissertation Counseling Psychology 2016

The rationale of color-blind ideology in the socializing space of the early childhood classroom encourages that racial, cultural, and ethnic differences remain unrecognized. Demographic shifts of diverse marginalized populations within majority, White suburban schools require the analysis of dominant ideologies that potentially leave biases unchallenged. This photovoice project centered the voice of three Black, early childhood educators working within majority White suburban schools in the South to explore how they rationalized the discourse of color-blind ideology in their professional and personal lives. Findings showed that Black women's critical social location within a racialized society and their historical engagement with Black oppositional knowledge structured oppositional knowledges and embodied critiques of suburban spaces. They crafted wisdoms for engaging and navigating tensions with colleagues, parents, and administrators and nurtured embodied perspectives, resisting stereotypical images of Black women and girls. Deconstructed dominant ideologies in the socializing space of the early childhood classroom extend and modify our understanding of racialized knowledge in our educational spaces and offer transformative readings of color-blind ideology.

Extensive literature has documented The United Methodist Church’s’ (UMC) commitment to social justice. A current focus in the church is working with economically marginalized populations, including the 231,170 Black children and youth in Mississippi. To better understand adults that serve this population, I conducted an exploratory study to gather baseline data about UMC adults’ contemporary attitudes and beliefs about race, racism, and discrimination. A cross-sectional survey was administered at the 2017 Mississippi Annual Conference of The UMC. Using a critical race lens, I found that most of the attendees espoused moderate color-blind racial attitudes and beliefs about the frequency that low-income, Black youth experience racial discrimination. I suggest that espousal of these attitudes and beliefs may promote notions of white privilege or internalized oppression and may lead to increased acts of racial prejudice and discrimination when these adults interact with low-income, Black youth.

The aim of this study is to examine visibly racialized social workers' experiences of encountering racism at work; with clients, colleagues, and managers. Furthermore, the aim is to examine how racism is responded to and handled by colleagues and managers. Seven semi-structured interviews were conducted with visibly racialized social workers. The interviews were analyzed using a thematic analysis mainly based on the theoretical concepts; everyday racism, color-blind racism, and whiteness. Research findings showed that all interviewees have experienced racism in various forms, both overt and covert, from clients, colleagues, and managers. The experiences of racism varied in both expression and extent. This seemed to be partly due to how the interviewees were racialized by other people, and partly due to the extent of ethnic diversity in the interviewees' workplaces; both concerning the geographical area and the employees. Furthermore, findings showed varying responses to racist incidents from colleagues and managers with either an unfavorable or favorable significance for the interviewees. Greater awareness and knowledge are needed in social work organizations regarding how racism works, its extent, and the impact on visibly racialized people as well as a more active anti-racist approach which also includes covert and subtle expressions of racism.

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