This study of constitutional reform during the radical reconstruction of the South Atlantic states covers political organization and elections of 1867; locus of power; economic relief and homestead exemptions; civil rights, education, and state institutions; suffrage and eligibility to office; and structural reform.

Made available in DSpace on 2016-04-25T20:21:33Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 1 Angela Maria Santana Carvalho.pdf: 1773545 bytes, checksum: 572d1633886fe67d1c1c9e04035fcc25 (MD5) Previous issue date: 2015-11-06 / This thesis is about the Reform of the State Apparatus, known as Managerial Reform of the State in Brazil, that was performed in the first Fernando Henrique Cardoso administration, at Bresser-Pereira s leadership. It s an empirical work about the conception, negociation and implementation of the Reform of the State Apparatus, and identifies the political actors and political arenas, facilitators factors and challenges faced along the way. Finally, it is discussed its results towards the republican rights / Esta tese é sobre a Reforma do Aparelho do Estado, conhecida como Reforma Gerencial do Estado no Brasil, que foi empreendida no primeiro mandato de Fernando Henrique Cardoso (FHC) na Presidência da República, sob a liderança de Bresser-Pereira. Trata-se de trabalho empírico sobre a concepção, negociação e implementação da reforma do aparelho do Estado, identificando seus atores políticos e arenas, fatores facilitadores e desafios enfrentados no decorrer desse processo. Ao final, é discutido o que significa a reforma gerencial para a afirmação da quarta geração de direitos dos cidadãos, denominada direito à res pública, mediante o controle social, a eficiência e eficácia das políticas públicas implementadas pelo Estado

Made available in DSpace on 2016-04-26T14:55:45Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 1 Angela Maria Santana Carvalho.pdf: 1773545 bytes, checksum: 572d1633886fe67d1c1c9e04035fcc25 (MD5) Previous issue date: 2015-11-06 / This thesis is about the Reform of the State Apparatus, known as Managerial Reform of the State in Brazil, that was performed in the first Fernando Henrique Cardoso administration, at Bresser-Pereira s leadership. It s an empirical work about the conception, negociation and implementation of the Reform of the State Apparatus, and identifies the political actors and political arenas, facilitators factors and challenges faced along the way. Finally, it is discussed its results towards the republican rights / Esta tese é sobre a Reforma do Aparelho do Estado, conhecida como Reforma Gerencial do Estado no Brasil, que foi empreendida no primeiro mandato de Fernando Henrique Cardoso (FHC) na Presidência da República, sob a liderança de Bresser-Pereira. Trata-se de trabalho empírico sobre a concepção, negociação e implementação da reforma do aparelho do Estado, identificando seus atores políticos e arenas, fatores facilitadores e desafios enfrentados no decorrer desse processo. Ao final, é discutido o que significa a reforma gerencial para a afirmação da quarta geração de direitos dos cidadãos, denominada direito à res pública, mediante o controle social, a eficiência e eficácia das políticas públicas implementadas pelo Estado

Résumé en français / Résumé en anglais

La réforme constitutionnelle du 23 juillet 2008 a fait du contrôle et de l’évaluation l’un des leviers de revalorisation de la place du Parlement dans les institutions. Elle a donc profondément renouvelé la fonction de contrôle : le champ du contrôle a été étendu dans des proportions jamais égalées, l’information du Parlement a été développée dans de nombreux domaines. Le Constituant a également souhaité donner au contrôle parlementaire une nouvelle dimension en dotant les assemblées d’une compétence en matière d’évaluation des politiques publiques. L’étude montre que l’Assemblée nationale et le Sénat ont interprété différemment leurs nouvelles prérogatives en matière de contrôle et d’évaluation, en fonction de leur culture institutionnelle et de leur degré d’adhésion à la réforme de 2008. De ce fait même, la portée de la réforme constitutionnelle de 2008 s’avère limitée : le Parlement peine à assumer son nouveau rôle d’évaluateur mais s’investi d’avantage dans son rôle de contrôleur. La réforme constitutionnelle de 2008 n’a donc pas substantiellement changé l’équilibre des pouvoirs entre le législatif et l’Exécutif. / The constitutional reform of 23rd July 2018 turned checking the work of government and evaluation into one of the most significant leveraging effect for the role of the Parliament within the institutions. It has deeply renewed the function of control: the capacity of control was extended to a level that had never been reached so far and the information towards the Parliament was expanded to many fields. The role of the Constituent also wished to widen the role of the Parliamentary control by providing the assemblies with new expertise regarding the evaluation of public policies. This study shows that the National Assembly and the Senate had two different understandings of their new prerogatives regarding control and evaluation, according to their institutional cultures and to their level of support to the reform of 2008. Therefore, the impact of the constitutional reform of 2008 turned out to be restricted: the Parliament struggles to fulfill its new role as an evaluator but gets more involved as a controller. Therefore, the Constitutional reform of 2008 hasn’t significantly changed the balance of powers between the legislative and executive branches.

In 1999, France, after a long and dragging debate, revised its Constitution in order to enable the installation of gender quotas in elected political bodies. In 2000 'parity laws' were enacted. They defined the parameters of these quotas that applied strictly to elections of proportional electoral system, such as elections into municipal councils with over 3.500 inhabitants, regional and European elections, and Senate elections in areas with three and more senators. In elections with plurality voting system, such as legislative elections and Senate elections with one or two senators, the parity was supposed to be achieved by imposing of financial penalty for those political parties that would not comply with the parity laws. This diploma thesis describes a public discussion that had taken place in France before the adoption of the gender parity imposed by the law. It compares four major political parties- the Republicans, Socialist party, The Greens and the National Front. The research analyzes their compliance with parity laws and their implementation on their candidate lists in parliamentary as well as Senate elections. The aim of this diploma thesis is to show and compare the rhetoric and the actions of the studied political parties with regards to the parity. The research analyzes the lists of...

In this thesis I explore the attitudes, arguments, and actions of British political elites in connection with the development of human rights law in Europe and the UK. I do this by examining British input into five key episodes for the development of European supranational rights and their incorporation into domestic legal orders (namely the drafting of the European Convention on Human Rights 1950, the drafting of the European Social Charter 1961, the acceptance of individual petition in 1966, the failed 1970s Bill of Rights debate, the passing of the Human Rights Act 1998, and recent developments such as the UK ‘opt-out’ to the EU Charter of Fundamental Rights, and the emergence of a new ‘British Bill of Rights’ debate). Casting light on British involvement in less examined periods in European rights development, I challenge existing, isolated, explanations for the more focal episodes (such as Simpson’s rational-choice post-colonial thesis for individual petition acceptance, and ideological accounts for New Labour’s post-1997 constitutional reform). Responding to the most recent literature in the area, central to my analysis is the question of how rights progress relates to inter-party conflict. By considering continuities and discontinuities in elite political discussion of rights I argue that while conflict is a significant underlying feature of every major episode of rights progress during the last sixty years, and is less evident in less progressive periods, other factors have had a greater influence over the form, timing, and extent of rights progress. Most significant amongst these is the constitutional ideological development of the Labour party and the critical connection between Labour’s elevation of the Convention within the UK constitutional space and revisionist shifts in party thinking.

Made available in DSpace on 2016-04-26T20:25:08Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 1 DIR - Mario Hermes T de Loureiro Filho.pdf: 1768267 bytes, checksum: b9eb01d69d412ae531ff03e26c0126bb (MD5) Previous issue date: 2006-10-17 / This study is aimed at checking the performance limits of the power of constitutional reform in its permanent manner related to the change of the discrimination of tributary competencies which belong to the political people who are part of the Brazilian State. This is due to the fact of the recent reform cycle of the constitution which through a high number of amendments has been systematically changing the discrimination above mentioned by extinguishing taxes, creating new ones, or even just altering their archetypes. Our main hypothesis is based on the premise that the State power for taxation is practiced by means of tax competencies which are set by the Federal Constitution, and also that the discrimination of such competencies may suffer changes since the performance limits of the constituent derived power are respected. The approach for the theme is still based on a systemic view of the positive law and its specific way to answer to the stimulus of other systems with which it interacts. And among them we highlight the political and economic systems since our hypothesis is closely linked to taxation whose subject was exhaustively dealt with by the Federal Constitution. In this context we analyzed the features of tax competency and the consequences derived from them, as well as the limits imposed to the practice of the power of constitutional reform. After concluding that only by an isolated analysis it is possible to know if the reforming power acted within the limits imposed to it by the originator constituent, our next step was to take into consideration in a specific way the constitutional validity of the EC no. 33/01 which altered the Federal Constitution (art. 155, § 2º, IX, a ) so as to allow the States and Brasília, the Brazilian capital, to establish the ICMS tax also when importing goods / O objetivo deste trabalho é verificar os limites de atuação do poder de reforma constitucional, em sua via permanente, no tocante à alteração da discriminação das competências tributárias das pessoas políticas que integram o Estado brasileiro, tendo em vista o recente ciclo de reforma da constituição, que, por meio de um elevado número de emendas, vem, sistematicamente, modificando aquela discriminação, seja pela extinção de tributos, pela criação de outros ou, até mesmo, pela simples alteração de seus arquétipos. A nossa hipótese central baseia-se na premissa de que o poder de tributar do Estado é exercitado por meio de competências tributárias fixadas na Constituição Federal, e que a discriminação dessas competências pode sofrer alterações, desde que respeitados os limites de atuação do poder constituinte derivado. A abordagem do tema funda-se, ainda, numa visão sistêmica do direito positivo e sua forma específica de responder aos estímulos de outros sistemas, que com ele interagem, dentre os quais destacamos o sistema político e o sistema econômico, uma vez que a nossa hipótese está intimamente ligada à tributação, cuja matéria foi exaustivamente tratada pela Constituição Federal. Nesse contexto, analisamos as características da competência tributária e as conseqüências que dela advêm, como, também, as limitações impostas ao exercício do poder de reforma constitucional. Após concluir que somente por meio de uma análise isolada é possível saber se o poder reformador agiu dentro dos limites a ele impostos pelo poder constituinte originário, passamos a considerar, de modo específico, a constitucionalidade da EC nº 33/01, que alterou a Constituição Federal (art. 155, § 2º, IX, a ) de forma a permitir aos Estados e ao Distrito Federal a instituição do ICMS também nas hipóteses de importação de bens

[pt] O modelo de controle de constitucionalidade francês, devido à sua especificidade, serviu por anos como exemplo do único sistema no qual o exame de compatibilidade entre normas infraconstitucionais e o texto da Constituição era realizado pelo Conselho Constitucional - órgão político - e de maneira preventiva, ou seja, antes das disposições legislativas entrarem em vigor e produzirem efeitos. Com o passar do tempo verificou-se na prática, a perda da supremacia da Constituição da República Francesa de 1958, como resultado da ausência de proteção a direitos e liberdades constitucionais. Por este motivo, no final dos anos 80 operadores do direito começaram a se mobilizar e a vislumbrar uma proposta de mudança e reforma. Em 2008 foi aprovada uma Lei Constitucional, que tem status de Emenda Constitucional, com o intuito de modernizar as instituições políticas da França. Dentre as medidas modernizadoras estava incluída a criação da Questão Prioritária de Constitucionalidade, mecanismo que tem como principal objetivo conferir aos particulares a prerrogativa de contestarem a constitucionalidade de uma disposição legislativa que julguem atentar contra direitos e liberdades garantidos constitucionalmente. Esta pesquisa analisou os fatores que antecederam e influenciaram a reforma supracitada, além das consequências e dos efeitos gerados pela introdução da QPC no ordenamento jurídico francês. / [en] The French system of constitutional review is very specific and was used for years as an example of the only system in which the compatibility exam between laws and the Constitution was performed by the Constitutional Council - which is a politic institution - preventively. In other words, this exam happened before the legal provisions come into force and take effect. As a result of the lack of protection of the constitutional rights and freedoms, the French Constitution was gradually losing its supremacy. That is why jurists during the 80 s started to discuss a proposal of change and reform. When in 2008, a constitutional amendment was approved, creating a mechanism which gave individuals the right to contest the constitutionality of whichever legal provision they deemed to be violating their constitutional rights and freedoms. This research examined the factors that preceded and influenced the reform, and above all the effects and consequences generated by the Priority Question of Constitutionality in French Law.

本論文乃有關我國（台灣地區）於解嚴後至民國八十三年底止，憲政改革與政體轉型兩者之發展及相互影響之研究。 　　首章為緒論，係說明研究動機、研究目的；相關的文獻；研究範圍、研究途徑等。第二章為相關理論的建構與概念分析，包括憲法、憲政及憲法變遷的理論；政體轉型的概念意涵作界定與分析；威權政體及其政經發等。第三章分析憲政改革的背景因素，主要分從四個面向加以探討一、解除戒嚴及其作用；二、民進黨對憲改所進行的抗爭與主張；三、國民黨威權統治的弱化及其憲改規劃；四、三月學運與國是會議加速憲政改革。第四章為對憲政改革與三次修憲加以評析。第五章探討憲政改革對民主化的影響。第六章結論，除總結全文的重點，交待研究缺失及限制以外，並對我國未來憲政體制之定位提出建議。