Changes in global political economy are moving towards 'capitalisation' of public institutions through market instruments. These changes create new environments and challenges. In order to meet these challenges, higher education institutions are restructuring to position themselves in their new environment. In this process, the media play an active role. Using corporate communication as a focal point, this research examines how higher education institutions aim to accomplish their mission, on one hand and mitigate challenges of the new political economy, characterised, by globalisation and marketisation, on the other. Using the University of Natal's corporate communication media campaign as a case study, the research looks into how education is commodified through processes of institutional restructuring and how this is reflected or mirrored through corporate communication strategies. This study is done within cultural studies and critical media research tradition. In contrast to 'administrative' studies that focus on how to use mass communications within the given political economic order to influence audiences, sell products or promote institutions, it addresses social and cultural effects of corporate communication in higher education. It offers insight into how corporate communication could be utilised for societal good instead of perpetuating social inequalities. Chapter One provides an overview of corporate communication and how it interacts with higher education by looking into challenges that threaten institutions to accomplish their mission. Chapter Two offers a theoretical framework of the new political economy through which higher education is now operating and how the media plays a role in this framework. Chapter Three provides an analysis of the media campaign of the University of Natal as evaluated against the institution's mission statement, and Chapter Four offers data analysis and lessons learned from the University of Natal media campaign. / Thesis (M.A.)-University of Natal, Durban, 2002.

In October 1863 the United States Army's Rio Grande Expedition left New Orleans, bound for the Texas coast. Reacting to the recent French occupation of Mexico, President Abraham Lincoln believed that the presence of U.S. troops in Texas would dissuade the French from intervening in the American Civil War. The first major objective of this campaign was Brownsville, Texas, a port city on the lower Rio Grande. Its capture would not only serve as a warning to the French in Mexico; it would also disrupt a lucrative Confederate cotton trade across the border. The expedition had a mixed record of achievement. It succeeded in disrupting the cotton trade, but not stopping it. Federal forces installed a military governor, Andrew J. Hamilton, in Brownsville, but his authority extended only to the occupied part of Texas, a strip of land along the coast of the Gulf of Mexico. The campaign also created considerable fear among Confederate soldiers and civilians that the ravages of civil war had now come to the Lone Star State. Although short-lived, the panic generated by the Rio Grande Expedition left an indelible mark on the memories of Texans who lived through the campaign. The expedition achieved its greatest success by establishing a permanent Federal presence in Texas as a warning against possible French meddling north of the Rio Grande.

"This thesis describes the art of logistics practiced by Santa-Anna and his staff in the marches from Northern Mexico to San Jacinto and Goliad, and the subsequent withdrawal. The method, or methods, employed to keep such an army in fighting condition are analyzed as it moved slowly and uncertainly across the desert and semi-desert areas, over burnt-out prairies and flooding rivers. To obtain the most complete picture of the Mexican army's movements and needs, the letters and diaries of the outstanding Mexican participants were used. Whenever possible American sources were studied to substantiate any seemingly questionable information in the Mexican accounts...As this thesis is primarily concerned with logistics, battles are not covered in detail. In cases where a conflict between American and Mexican sources exists concerning any phase of the Mexican military movements during the Texan revolution, both sides are presented, and an attempt made to evaluate them objectively." -- leaf x.

The topic of this diploma thesis is media planning and buying of TV campaigns. The objective of the thesis is a comprehensive analysis of the media planning process with a focus on buying of television campaigns. The introductory part of the thesis deals with the beginnings of the advertising industry and the contemporary modern advertisement. The theoretical part is focused on detailed explanations of the planning process and basic media terms. While depicting the media planning process the author accentuates TV campaigns planning. The following text is dedicated to a background important for the decision to include TV in the communication mix. The practical part starts with an analysis of the TV market. Emphasis is put on the analysis of ratings of individual TV channels, investments, and the top advertisers. This chapter also includes creating profiles of viewers of measured channels. The last chapter describes in detail the business models of particular media houses. The last step of media planning is to produce a media plan; therefore, the work included a practical example. In the example the author shows how the media planning works in practice. The thesis is finalized by establishing a model for planning TV campaigns.

The purpose of this thesis is to investigate how international development organizations are working to communicate campaigns and photographs from one cultural context to another. Additionally, will challenges in making campaigns which are both ethical appropriate and engaging be highlighted and discussed in relation to today’s impatient media landscape where globalization and development are dominated by economic interests. This research follows the international development cooperation We Effect and explore their whole media production process while making external communication from the work in Kenya to the target group in Sweden. The researcher has done interviews with decision makers at the head office in Stockholm, regional communicators in Nairobi, independent photographers and farmers in the fields of Kenya, visible in We Effect’s campaigns in Sweden. Additionally, ethnographical observations and diary notes contribute to answer the question how international organizations are planning, creating and distributing ethical and engaging media about development organizations long-term development work. In theoretical discussions, anchored in concepts about global culture, cosmopolitanism and how to mediate distant others, together with previous literature by Lilie Chouliaraki, Roger Silverstone and Stuart Hall, will this research state that there are several challenges in communicating messages from one cultural context to another. The distance, both geographical and mental, makes it challenging for the media producers and spectators to understand the same message; this research states that both the media producers and spectators’ interpretations of photographs and messages are dependent on their cultural background.

Previous research has found that nonviolent campaigns are conducive for democratization, but variation in democratic outcomes still remains a puzzle. I address this research gap by analyzing whether democracy assistance that promotes political participation, civic political culture, and enabling environment for civil society before and during nonviolent campaigns can help explain why some countries democratize after regime changes initiated by nonviolent campaigns while other countries do not. I argue that sustained democracy assistance help maintain mass mobilization and build democratic institutions after the old regime has been removed. By using the method of structured focused comparison, I investigate based on data from USAID and OECD what kind of democracy assistance Tunisia and Egypt received before and during their nonviolent campaigns. I find that neither Tunisia nor Egypt to any great extent received the kind of sustained democracy assistance I hypothesized could impact democratization. I therefore conclude that it seems unlikely that democracy assistance had the kind of significant impact that could explain the different outcomes in Tunisia and Egypt. Lastly, I discuss how research on nonviolent campaigns could inform policymaking and contribute to designing more strategic democracy assistance in the future.

Valaffischer är ett gammalt traditionellt medium för politiska partier att nå ut med sin kommunikation med. Men trots de nya tillvägagångssätten att nå ut med sin kommunikation tack vare digitaliseringen, är valaffischer fortfarande ett aktuellt medium trots att de har använts under så pass lång tid. Sverigedemokraterna är ett relativt “ungt” parti. De blirintressanta att studera då de har sina rötter i nazismen och därifrån har de snabbt vuxit till att bli Sveriges tredje största parti. Studien redovisar en analys av Sverigedemokraternas professionalisering och hur deras utveckling av valaffischer sett ut under valrörelserna 2006, 2010, 2014 och 2018. Totalt har det analyserats femton valaffischer som ingått i Sverigedemokraternas valkampanjer under de fyra senaste valrörelserna. Syftet med denna studie är att undersöka vad professionaliseringen av politiken har haft för betydelse för Sverigedemokraternas visuella politiska kommunikation, i form av deras valaffischer. Därav formades frågeställningar för att svara påsyftet: “Hur har Sverigedemokraternas kommunikation genom valaffischer förändrats från2006 till 2018?” och “Hur har professionaliseringen av visuell politisk kommunikation tagit form i Sverigedemokraternas valaffischer?” Valaffischerna i denna studie utgår från en kvalitativ textanalys och med fokus på ett parti. Den kvalitativa textanalysen utgår från en semiotisk analys, där den analysmodell som använts är en sammansättning av 5 teman, 14 kategorier och 1 underkategori. Valaffischerna i studien har framförallt analyserat med hjälp av tidigare forskning av Nicklas Håkansson, Bengt Johansson och Orla Vigsø (2014), som ofta ses som referenser i samband med studier av valaffischer. Teorierna politisk kommunikation och professionalisering ligger till grunden för denna studie. Resultatet av analysen har applicerats på fyra tidsperioder i valaffischernas utveckling och slutsatsen visar på att Sverigedemokraterna har genomgått en förändring i professionaliseringen av valaffischer mellan åren 2006 och 2018, fast under kortare tid än de fyra tidsperioderna. Det är en förändring som anpassats i takt med utvecklingen i samhället, bland annat i form av den digitala utvecklingen och utvecklingen av specialistyrken inom marknadsföring och visuell kommunikation. Förändringen av Sverigedemokraternas kommunikation i valaffischer har bland att visats i att de har gått från att använda tydliga budskap och starka åsikter, till att deras budskap har blivit mer och mer abstrakt och att de inte längre behöver argumentera för sin sak. Deras åsikter har normaliserats till den grad att de inte längre behöver övertyga väljarna på samma sätt genom sina valaffischer. / Election posters are an old traditional medium for political parties to reach out with their communication. Despite the new approaches to reach out with political communication thanks to digitalization, election posters are still a relevant medium despite having been used for a long time. Sverigedemokraterna are a relatively "young" party. They became interesting for this study as they have their roots in nazism and therefrom quickly grew to become Sweden's third largest party. This study presents an analysis of Sverigedemokraterna’s professionalization of electionposters during the electoral campaigns 2006, 2010, 2014 and 2018. A total of fifteen electionposters were analyzed, all of which were included in Sverigedemokraterna’s electioncampaigns during four different electoral movements. The purpose of this study is to investigate the importance of professionalization of politics for Sverigedemokraterna’s visualpolitical communication, in form of their election posters. From this, questions at issue were formulated to answer the purpose: How has the communication through election posters from Sverigdemokraterna changed from 2006 to 2018? and How has the professionalization of visual political communication shown in Sverigedemokraternas election posters? The election posters in this study are processed on the basis of a qualitative textanalysis and with focus on one party. The qualitative textanalysis is based on a semiotic analysis, where a analysis model is used. The analysis model is a composition of 5 themes, 14 categories and 1 subcategory. The results of the study have primarily been analyzed with the help of previous research by Nicklas Håkansson, Bengt Johansson and Orla Vigsø (2014), who are often seen as references in connection with studies of election posters. The theories of political communication and professionalization form the basis of this study. The result of the analysis has been applied to a four time period in the development of the election posters and the conclusion shows that Sverigedemokraterna has gone through a change in the professionalization of election posters between 2006 and 2018, though for shorter periods than the four time periods of election posters. It is a change that has been adapted in line with developments in society, including in the form of digital development and the development of specialist professions in marketing and visual communication. The professionalization has also shown through the normalization of the party. The change inSverigedemokraterna’s communication in election posters has among other things been shown in their use of clear messages and strong opinions in their election posters to that their message has become more and more abstract and that they no longer need to argue for their cause. Their opinions have been normalized to the point that they no longer need to convince voters and other parties with their election posters.

Made available in DSpace on 2016-04-26T18:11:39Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 1 Edson de Paiva Dias.pdf: 1634114 bytes, checksum: a9e6f835d0983fa101040cb585774cfb (MD5) Previous issue date: 2012-05-21 / Coordenação de Aperfeiçoamento de Pessoal de Nível Superior / The central theme of this thesis is the incentive or motivational campaigns and their influence on the construction of salesmen discourses in the retail market of home appliances in the metropolitan region of São Paulo, in 2011. The goal will be to associate the different rules in these campaigns to vendors behavior. And, since their implementation, specifically to better understand the type of approach, aggressiveness and the degree of persuasion or manipulation in the speeches made according to regulations related to them. For this, it was necessary a study in which the definitions of retail activity were clarified, its development over time, the types of stores and their departments, suppliers, forms of assistance and the professionals who work in the area. These were related to a system, called here the point of sale, according to the general theory of systems developed by Avanir Uyemov, and analyzed the strategies with the ultimate goal of "closing the loop" to the consumer. The semiotics of culture proposed by Iuri Lotman, allowed a better understanding of attitudes and reactions observed in the personal relationships established between consumers and sellers, since we have the ability to store information, updated and enriched by experiences that are transmitted through our culture and memory. The foundations of semiotic discourse, written by Mikhail Bakhtin, also contributed to the interpretation of these speeches, formed by taking into consideration the other, as we see on our own self, or a mirror that only provides the material for self-objectification. These theories, along with other authors, allowed a thoughtful analysis about the different variables about the studied problem: the effectiveness or not of the most striking features of language and their consequences to persuade or manipulate consumers to buy specific products and brands. A few researchers have addressed this type of analysis, given the difficulty of treating this subject with stakeholders and obtain materials where these actions are explained, for they are considered "secretive" or strategic. This explains the limited literature on the subject and at the same time motivates us to write a detailed study: may such actions affect manufacturers that do not conform to these strategies? How to win the loyalty of sellers? Does the vicious circle in which these actions operate imply undesirable attitudes? These factors and the excessive interference that these actions cause in the discourses and the ways these vendors use to assist their clients are the concerns of this work / O tema central desta tese são as campanhas motivacionais ou de incentivos e seu poder de influência na construção de discursos dos vendedores do mercado varejista de eletrodomésticos, na região da Grande São Paulo, em 2011. O objetivo será o de associar as diferentes mecânicas contidas nestas campanhas ao comportamento de vendedores. E, a partir da implantação das mesmas, especificamente compreender melhor o tipo de abordagem, agressividade e grau de persuasão ou manipulação nos discursos realizados, conforme regulamentos referentes a elas. Para isso, fez-se necessário um estudo em que foram apuradas as definições da atividade varejista, seu desenvolvimento ao longo dos tempos, os tipos de lojas e seus departamentos, fornecedores, formas de atendimento e os profissionais que atuam no setor. Estes foram relacionados a um sistema, chamado aqui de ponto de venda, segundo a teoria geral de sistemas de Avanir Uyemov, e analisadas as estratégias com o objetivo fundamental de fechar o cerco ao consumidor. A semiótica da cultura, proposta por Iuri Lotman, possibilitou a melhor compreensão das atitudes e reações observadas nas relações pessoais, estabelecidas entre consumidores e vendedores, já que possuímos a capacidade de armazenar informações, enriquecidas e atualizadas por vivências que são transmitidas por meio de nossa cultura e memória. Os fundamentos da semiótica discursiva, de Mikhail Bakhtin, também contribuíram para a interpretação destes discursos, formados a partir do outro, como o que enxergamos sobre o nosso próprio eu, ou um espelho que só fornece o material de uma auto-objetivação. Estas teorias, além de outros autores, permitiram uma análise ponderada por suas diversas variáveis a respeito do problema estudado: a eficácia ou não desses recursos mais contundentes de linguagem e de suas consequências para persuadir ou manipular consumidores a adquirir produtos e marcas específicas. Poucas pesquisas abordam este tipo de análise, dada a dificuldade de tratar este assunto com os envolvidos, bem como se obter materiais onde estas ações são explicitadas, por serem consideradas por eles sigilosas ou estratégicas. Isso explica a escassa literatura sobre o tema e ao mesmo tempo nos motiva a um estudo pormenorizado: tais ações podem prejudicar fabricantes que não se adequam a estas estratégias ? Como conquistar a lealdade de vendedores ? O círculo vicioso em que se tornaram estas ações implica em atitudes indesejáveis ? Estes fatores e o excesso de interferência que estas ações provocam nos discursos e nas formas destes vendedores atenderem seus clientes são as preocupações deste trabalho

This thesis offers a comparative historical analysis of sub-state violent contention in Quebec and Corsica. It focuses specifically on the Front de Libération du Québec (FLQ) and the Fronte di Liberazione Naziunale Corsu (FLNC), in 1963 to 1971 and 1976 to 1990, respectively. The thesis argues that the FLQ and the FLNC sought to extend radical ideological space to promote independence in order to achieve revolutionary social and economic change through campaigns of violence and kidnappings. Theoretically, the thesis draws on the contentious politics and social movements literatures, which it notably combines with Radical Flank Effect (RFE). RFEs are interactive processes that aim to map the beneficial and/or detrimental impact of radical group action on moderate groups. Whilst commonly used to understand the political outcomes of social movements, RFE is used in this thesis in conjunction with social movement literature to compare the relationship between these violent movements and their more moderate opponents. To understand the internal dynamics of these movements, I have identified four key elements of contrast: membership, ideology, network structure and strategy. I draw on, for example, McAdam, Tarrow and Tilly's (2001) mobilization method, which aids an understanding of membership and ideology by framing the interaction amongst challengers, their opponents and the media. This thesis seeks to understand FLQ and FLNC mobilization in light of the aim to shape and develop radical ideological space in the sub-states of Quebec and Corsica. It draws on an extensive study of archival data that includes police reports that have only recently been made available in Canada, transcripts of court cases, newspapers, and an interview with a former member of the FLNC, as well as secondary sources. The central orienting question is: what explains the contrasting patterns of sub-state violent contention in Quebec and Corsica? More specifically, why did the FLQ dissolve in 1971, yet the FLNC continued its violent trajectory, albeit less political and nationalist, until 2014? The FLQ and the FLNC differently subscribed to Marxism and postcolonialism. The FLQ was committed to a Marxist program of revolutionary change, and this commitment was shared by the FLNC until the collapse of communism in central and Eastern Europe in 1989. FLQ members considered themselves 'urban revolutionaries' and employed Marxism to understand the economic disparity in industrial Montreal. Early Corsican violent contention, in contrast, included Maoist influences, in particular, through their demand for agrarian reform. The two groups viewed the relationship between their sub-states (Quebec and Corsica) and central states (Canada and France) through a colonial lens, and understood their mobilization against these states and elite minorities (the Anglophone elite in Quebec and the pieds noirs in Corsica) in this light. Both violent movements targeted this colonial relationship. Both the FLQ and FLNC manifestos were economically and politically focused, land and culture were additionally highlighted by the FLNC. This thesis found that sub-state violent contention in the very different contexts of Quebec and Corsica shared an overall pattern, an arc of violent mobilization. The initial mobilization developed from a frustration with moderate political groups; radicalization grew and new tactics were embraced; until turning points that included the assassination of Pierre Laporte by the FLQ and the division of the FLNC into competitive factions, and then a decline of activity, mobilization and recruitment. Although the FLQ and the FLNC contrasted greatly in terms of membership, ideology, organization and strategy, both groups attempted to extend radical space through the use of violent contention in these two very different nations. Ultimately, however, while the FLQ and the FLNC were able to extend or maintain radical space at times, yet they failed to sustain the extension of ideological radical space on the basis on their revolutionary manifestos.

Les Systèmes d’Aide au Vote (SAV) comparent, sur des enjeux variés, les positions des utilisateurs avec celles des partis ou des candidats qui sont établies à partir d’une analyse de contenu de leur programme électoral. Les SAV sont un outil d’analyse novateur à usage des politistes puisqu’ils leur permettent de récolter des données empiriques à grande échelle tout au long d’une campagne électorale. L'objectif principal de cette thèse est d'utiliser les données collectées par les SAV afin d’analyser la diffusion d’un site Web à caractère informatif et politique, i.e. les SAV, auprès des internautes dans des systèmes médiatiques différents. Cette thèse teste l'hypothèse selon laquelle l'utilisation des SAV par différents groupes d'électeurs (électeurs partisans, hésitants et indécis) varie selon les systèmes médiatiques. Les analyses des données collectées par des SAV dans sept démocraties électorales représentant trois différents types de systèmes médiatiques (Democratic Corporatist, Liberal et Pluralist Polarized) montrent que les systèmes médiatiques structurent les comportements et influent sur le degré d’exposition à des informations politiques en ligne. Le second apport de cette thèse est l’utilisation des données collectées par un SAV pour l'analyse électorale, notamment pour l’étude du vote sur enjeux et des dynamiques de campagne. Plusieurs analyses sont réalisées dans cette thèse à partir des données recueillies par le SAV français de La Boussole présidentielle. Cette thèse montre que, bien qu’étant non-probabilistes, les échantillons SAV sont très informatifs à condition d’être intégrés dans un cadre de recherche approprié et d’ajuster les biais statistiques. / Online Voting Advice Applications (VAAs) are websites or online applications that show voters which party or candidate is closest to their own political ideas based on how they mark their positions on an ample range of policy issues. In addition to providing voters with reliable information in a structured manner, VAAs are an innovative data-collection tool on issue positions and on a wide set of other indicators. The main scope of this dissertation is to use VAA-collected data to learn about online information exposure during campaigns across media systems. Building on the realistic view of the Web’s political potential and its impact on the public, this dissertation test the hypothesis that VAA use by different voter groups (partisan, doubting and undecided voters) varies across media systems. The analyses of VAA-collected data in seven electoral democracies across three different types of media systems (Democratic Corporatist, Liberal, and Polarized Pluralist) show that media systems are key mediators to explain online information exposure. The second scope of this dissertation is to use VAA-collected data for the sake of electoral analysis, in particular to study issue-voting and campaign dynamics analyses. Several analyses are carried out using data collected by the French VAA of La Boussole présidentielle. This dissertation shows that, despite being non-probabilistic, VAA samples can serve as a very informative tool for the study of political and communication processes during electoral campaigns if integrated within an appropriate research framework and with the use of proper statistical adjustment.