Esta dissertação trata de alguns dos principais elementos da cultura material da África antiga reveladas pela arqueologia, destacando os sitos arqueológicos de que provêm. Os sítios abordados encontram-se na Nigéria (Nok, Igbo Ukwu, Ifé, Benin, Owo), no Congo (Sanga e Katoto), e no Zimbábue (o \"Grande Zimbábue\"). Algumas dessas produções se veem representadas nas coleções africanas do Museu de Arqueologia e Etnologia da Universidade de São Paulo-MAE/USP através de objetos oriundos de complexos culturais do presente - caso dos iorubás, Nigéria. Esses objetos do acervo MAE/USP são aqui analisados junto a outros, provenientes de escavações, conservados em grandes museus internacionais e publicados como obras-primas na literatura especializada. Esta dissertação levanta questões relativas à memória e ao patrimônio, como sugere seu título, enquanto que seu subtítulo é uma referência ao catálogo que dela faz parte. Este catálogo tem por finalidade reunir, de forma didático-pedagógica, dados sobre os sítios selecionados e culturas africanas correspondentes, em torno de narrativas, que nos parecem sugestivas para o ensino-aprendizagem de elementos da história das descobertas e das escavações arqueológicas, assim como dados estilísticos e tecnológicos das produções materiais relacionadas. / This dissertation addresses some of the main elements of the material culture of ancient Africa revealed by Archaeology, highlighting the archaeological sites in which they arise. The sites approached are in Nigeria (Nok, Igbo Ukwu, Ife, Benin, Owo), Congo (Sanga and Katoto), and Zimbabwe (the \"Great Zimbabwe\"). V Some of these productions are seen represented in African collections of the Museum of Archaeology and Ethnology of the University of São Paulo-MAE / USP through objects coming from cultural complexes of this of the present - case of the Yoruba, Nigeria. These objects MAE / USP collection are reviewed here along with others, from excavations, preserved in major international museums and published as masterpieces in specialized literature. This dissertation poses questions about the memory and heritage, as suggested by its title, while its subtitle is a reference to the catalog which forms part. This catalog is intended to gather, didactic and pedagogical way, data on the selected sites and corresponding African cultures around narratives that seem suggestive for the teaching-learning elements of the history of discoveries and excavations, as well as stylistic and technological data of related materials productions.

Pour assurer ses missions les États ont besoin de prélever l’impôt afin de s’assurer des ressources. Lacaractéristique des États en développement est, en matière de Finances Publiques, d’avoir des recettesbasées essentiellement sur les taxes prélevées en frontière sur les marchandises. Malheureusement dansces pays là, l’efficacité des Organisations Douanières est rarement au rendez-vous, notamment du faitd’une corruption très importante parmi les douaniers.Aussi les Organisations Internationales recommandent une privatisation partielle des missions afind’améliorer les recettes. Les sociétés privées se sont spécialisées dans cette forme de recouvrement etainsi la plupart des pays africains ont recours à l’une ou l’autre des sociétés dites de " pré-inspection ".Après des années de pratique peut-on évaluer l’efficience de cette privatisation ? L’exemple de la RCAest particulièrement pertinent pour étudier cela puisque d’une part ce pays a poussé la privatisation àl’ensemble des missions douanières, ce qui est unique au monde et d’autre part la situation actuelle de cepetit pays découle au moins en partie de l’absence d’une administration des douanes solide.Dans l’écroulement des structures administratives de ce pays, assisté depuis sa création par toutesles Organisations Internationales, ces dernières, sont-elles exemptes de reproches ? / STATES collect revenue from taxes to provide necessary financial resources to the accomplishmentof their missions. Developing states have a common characteristic namely to collect revenue mainly onimported goods. Unfortunately customs administrations of these countries are generally inefficient due toa very high level of corruption of their personnel.Faced to this situation, internationals organisations advised to outsource some of the customs func-tions in order to improve the collection of revenue. Private companies developed new activities in thisarea and today most African countries have contracted out one or several of these companies usuallycalled preshipment inspection companies. After several years is it feasable to assess the efficiency of thatoutsourcing ? CAR is an excellent and pertinent study case to perform this assessment. On one hand,this country has outsourced all of the customs fonctions, which is a unique exemple in the world. Onthe other hand, there is a strong link between the existing situation of this country and the lack of anefficient customs administration.Can we blame these international organisations, which have assisted CAR since it’s creation, for thecollapse of the administrative structures of this country ?

<p>This dissertation focuses on raiding and sovereignty in the Central African Republic's (CAR) northeastern borderlands, on the margins of Darfur. A vast literature on social evolution has assumed the inevitability of centralization. But these borderlands show that centralization does not always occur. Never claimed by any centralizing forces, the area has instead long been used as a reservoir of resources by neighboring areas' militarized entrepreneurs, who seek this forest-savanna's goods. The raiders seize resources but also govern. The dynamics of this zone, much of it a place anthropologists used to refer to as "stateless," suggest a re-thinking of the modalities of sovereignty. The dissertation proposes conceptualizing sovereignty not as a totalizing, territorialized political order but rather through its constituent governing capabilities, which may centralize or not, and can combine to create hybrid political systems. The dissertation develops this framework through analysis of three categories of men-in-arms -- road-blockers, anti-poaching militiamen, and members of rebel groups -- and their relationships with international peacebuilding initiatives. It compares roadblocks and "road cutting" (robbery) to show how they stop traffic and create flexible, personalized entitlements to profit for those who operate them. The dissertation also probes the politics of militarized conservation: in a low-level war that has lasted for twenty-five years, the European Union-funded militiamen fight deadly battles against herders and hunters. Though ostensibly fought to protect CAR's "national patrimony" (its animals and plants), this war bolsters the sovereign capabilities of a range of non-state actors and has resulted in hundreds of deaths in the last few years, many of them hidden in the bush. The dissertation then shows how CAR's recent cycle of rebellion has changed governance in rural areas. Though mobile armed groups have long operated in CAR, they used to work as road cutters and local defense forces and only recently started calling themselves "rebels" -- a move that has landed them in new roles as "governors" of populations while leaving them without the welfare largess they seek. Throughout these various raiders' projects, the idea of the all-powerful state serves as a reference point they use to qualify themselves with sovereign authorities. But their actions as rulers undermine the creation of the unitary political authority they desire and invoke. Failure to appreciate these non-centralized micropolitical processes is a main reason peacebuilding efforts (such as disarmament, demobilization, and reintegration) in the region have failed.</p> / Dissertation

The Central African Republic is a small country located in the center of Africa. It is a very young nation in terms of political independence, but as the CAR emerges as a nation, it has begun to produce valuable authors who write for the French speaking world. This thesis is an attempt to bring part of the CAR's literature to the United States.Le Silence de la Foret was written by Etienne Goyemide and not only describes the culture of the mainstream population of the CAR, but also that of Pygmies. Although the book is a novel, the cultural aspects are not fictitious. This thesis is a translation of Goyemide's novel into English so that it can be made accessible to the English speaking world.The process of translating such a literary work required and increased knowledge and understanding of both French and English. In attempting to capture the style and tone of the author, careful attention was given to such aspects as tense, syntactic structures, register and vocabulary. A chapter of the thesis is devoted to describing the problems encountered during translation and the reasoning for the translations chosen. / Department of English

Les Nzakara et les Yakoma vivent dans la même région du sud-est de la République Centrafricaine et partagent des origines communes selon les récits mythiques. Leurs patrimoines musicaux véhiculent leurs particularités culturelles qui se répercutent sur les pratiques musicales. On observe que la forêt et le fleuve jouent un rôle très différent dans leur construction identitaire. La forêt favorise la fermeture et le fleuve, l’ouverture. Les Nzakara ont un mode de vie lié à la forêt qui constitue leur principale source d’inspiration musicale ; ils sont plutôt conservateurs et ne sont pas prêts à se détacher de leurs sources tout en ignorant les réalités du monde en pleine mutation. Cette société précoloniale était fortement hiérarchisée. La musique tenue dans la plupart des cas par les poètes était très liée à l’ancienne organisation sociopolitique de la dynastie Bandia. Les Yakoma, en revanche, ont un mode de vie qu’il est convenu d’appeler « civilisation de la rivière » et qui constitue également leur source d’inspiration musicale ; ils sont plutôt ouverts et s’adaptent plus facilement aux changements. Aujourd’hui la musique se retrouve de plus en plus dans les églises majoritairement fréquentées par ce peuple. Leur société n’est pas hiérarchisée. L’arrivée des colons avec leurs corollaires, les missionnaires catholiques et protestants, s’est traduite par une lutte virulente contre les symboles religieux, les pratiques musicales et les instruments de musique. Cette situation a plongé les Nzakara dans un état de désenchantement et les a conduit à un abandon général de leurs pratiques culturelles. / The Nzakara and Yakoma people live in the southeast of the Central African Republic and according to mythical accounts share common origins. Their musical heritages convey their cultural specificities which resonnate in their musical practices. Within their identity construction processes, it is possible to identify very different roles played by the forest and the river: the forest promotes closure and the river, opening.The Nzakara way of live is linked with the forest, which constitutes their main musical source of inspiration. They tend to be conservative, are not ready to move away from their sources, unaware of the realities of the fast-changing world. This pre-colonial society was strongly hierarchical. The music used in most cases by the poets is closely linked to the sociopolitical organization of the dynasty Bandia. The Yakoma way of live, conversely, is usually described as the "civilization of the river", which also constitutes their musical source of inspiration. They tend to be more open and adapt more easily to social changes. Their society is not organized hierarchically.The arrival of the colonists accompanied by Catholic and Protestant missionaries resulted in a virulent struggle against their religious symbols, musical practices and the musical instruments. This situation destabilized and disillusioned the Nzakara, leading them to abandon their cultural practices.

Despite their peacekeeping role in the management of internal armed conflicts, some military peacekeepers have sexually exploited local populations in host countries, resulting in dire social and health consequences and threats to the success of international peace operations. Although researchers have examined sexual violence committed by peacekeepers, few researchers, if any, have used routine activities theory to examine sex offending by peacekeepers. The purpose of this study was to explore the extent to which situational opportunities influenced international military peacekeepers' engagement in the sexual exploitation of civilians in the Central African Republic, a peacekeeping host country. Data were collected from face-to-face interviews with 15 research participants, including local witnesses, military officers, representatives of civil society organizations, and United Nations policy makers, and from public records obtained from online sources. Data were coded using an inductive coding strategy and then analyzed using thematic analysis. The findings indicated that both the local and peacekeeping conditions, including lack of deterrence and accountability mechanisms, heightened the vulnerability of local populations to sex predation and motivated peacekeeper sex offenders to engage in sex offending. Local community leaders, civil society organizations, peacekeepers, and policy makers could use study findings to promote educational programs on the institutional responsibility to protect vulnerable civilians as well as shape policies to prevent the commission of sexual exploitation by peacekeepers. These actions may also help susceptible civilians, especially women and girls, to be aware of the risks linked to their vulnerability and empower them to seek legal redress.

During the latest armed conflict in the Central African Republic (CAR) from 2013 to the present, narratives emerged regarding who was an autochthon and who was not, pitting “true Central Africans” against “foreigners”, Christians against Muslims. This new cycle of violence is embedded in a long history of political violence in the CAR. Still, the claim of one group being more autochthon than another has not been a prominent feature of previous conflicts, neither has fighting in the past formed so clearly along religious identities. Being a Son of the Soil, an autochthon, evokes an image that denies CAR’s history of migration of social groups and reify fixity, and such conflicts have also been present in other parts of Africa, as well as in Europe and Asia. To date, most literature seeking to understand autochthony-related armed conflict has been dominated by elite-centric analysis that highlight the mobilization of autochthony as a strategy to retain power in cases of political liberalization or democratization (Cameroon, Kenya or Côte d’Ivoire). When not elite-centric, analyses of autochthony-related conflict have emphasized land, access to land issues or crudely predatory logics of vigilante groups on the local level (Côte d’Ivoire or the DRC). In CAR, neither political liberalization, nor land issues alone were prominent, but autochthony was a strategy as witnessed in other African cases of autochthony-related armed conflicts. In that sense, this research asks how and why is autochthony being mobilized in the CAR politics before and after the 2013 coup? The dissertation argues that elites and ordinary citizens discursively mobilize autochthony as an identity capital across various scales. They do it to access non-land related resources, claim hierarchy, and discriminate against the other. The mobilization of autochthony is tied to longer legitimacy-seeking strategies of the elite, and autochthony is a symbolic myth that can be mobilized at various levels. The dissertation’s main theoretical contribution is to challenge the tendency to consider elites and supporters as belonging and subscribing to different discursive realm. This study has considered that autochthony links leaders and their followers in a type of pre-given conception that no longer needs explanation. This contributes to considering elites and their supporters as tied by the same discursive realm, but the concrete meaning of the discourse is different across multiple levels. To make the argument, the dissertation uses a qualitative multi-method approach predominantly centered on discourse analysis, fieldwork, interviews, and newspapers archival research. My research shows that understanding autochthony violence requires a simultaneous analysis of how autochthony is given meaning at different levels by various actors in everyday practices from the macro to the micro. Instrumentalizing autochthony lies at the interplay of all these levels. In this work, autochthony is vague enough to connect leaders to followers and, at the same time, precise enough for listeners to make sense of the term by connecting it to their daily experience of it. The long-term existence of the autochthony discourse allows it to change and morph at times of heightened crisis. It does not emerge overnight, but it has a longer genealogy that must be understood in context. That is, it is not simply because Bozizé targeted Muslim-foreigners in his speeches that people mobilized against them. Top-down manipulation might have resonated with followers but understanding of autochthony also operated independently of the top-down manipulation. That the conflict manifested around sectarian lines fits within an autochthony framework because autochthony is an empty identity marker whose content can be filled in many ways – most frequently with reference to ethnicity, religion, language, myths of origin, or some combination of such markers.

La République centrafricaine traverse depuis plusieurs décennies des crises socio­politiques et militaires. Celles-ci ont atteint leur apogée en 2013 autour des affrontements entre la Séléka, une rébellion du nord et les Anti­Balaka, un regroupement de milices locales. L’État n’a plus de contrôle sur l’ensemble de son territoire morcelé et tenu par des groupes armés. À partir du cas de l’Ouest centrafricain, cette thèse montre que les conflits armés ont des répercussions profondes sur les rapports des populations aux ressources et aux territoires. Ils ont un fort potentiel de destruction de certaines activités économiques telles que l’élevage bovin et la mine artisanale. Non seulement on assiste à une réorganisation des espaces de production des ressources pastorales et minières, mais le conflit induit également une trajectoire de décentralisation de l’accès aux ressources par les armes. Le contrôle par les armes a des incidences sur les acteurs, les réseaux et les flux de commercialisation. Nos travaux portent sur les dynamiques de l’Ouest centrafricain durant la période 2013-­2017. Ils s’appuient notamment sur une étude de cas à l’échelle de la commune d’élevage de Niem­-Yellewa, qui montre de quelle manière les ressentiments entre les groupes dominants, les luttes de pouvoirs entre les dirigeants locaux et les groupes armés en quête de ressources, s’agrègent pour générer, entretenir et faire perdurer un conflit local. / The Central African Republic has been experiencing socio­political and military crises for several decades. Those reached their peak in 2013 when clashes between the Séléka, a rebellion in the north and the Anti­Balaka, a group of local militias, arose. The state no longer has control over the entire territory which is fragmented and held by armed groups. Presenting the case­study of West Central African Republic, this thesis shows that armed conflicts have profound implications on people's relations to resources and territories. These conflicts also tend to destroy some economic activities such as cattle farming and artisanal mining. Not only it induces the reorganization of the production areas of pastoral and mining resources, but it also triggers a tendency for a decentralized access to resources via weapons. Such armed control impacts actors, networks and marketing flows. Our works focus on the dynamics of West Central Africa during the period 2013­2017. They are essentially based on a case study at the scale of the pastoral area of Niem­Yellewa, which shows how resentments between the dominant groups and power struggles between local leaders and the armed groups looking for resources, aggregate to generate, maintain and perpetuate a local conflict.

La République Centrafricaine, 622 984 km2 pour 4,525 millions d’habitants en 2012, est une ancienne colonie française, indépendante le 13 août 1960. Durant les premières décennies post-indépendance, un État faiblement structuré a été mis en place. Au moment où les efforts conjugués des bailleurs de fonds commençaient à inscrire une nouvelle dynamique de stabilité, la rébellion de la Séléka conduite par Michel Djotodia, a pris le pouvoir le 24 mars 2013. Depuis lors, le pays est confronté à l’une de ses crises majeures, caractérisée par l’intermittence de la violence, la pluralité des acteurs et la complexité des facteurs belligènes. Le défi de sécurité étant un déterminant incompressible, ce travail est construit autour de l’impact irréversiblement positif de la refonte des Forces de défense et de sécurité dans la construction de la paix, de la stabilité et du développement. / The Central African Republic, 622,984 km2 area for 4.525 million inhabitants in 2012, is a former French colony that became independent on August 13, 1960. During the first decades of post-independence, a weakly structured state was established. At the time when the combined efforts of the donors were beginning to introduce a new dynamic of stability, the Séléka rebellion led by Michel Djotodia took power on March 24, 2013. Since then, the country has faced one of its major crisis, characterized by the intermittent violence, the plurality of actors and the complexity of the belligerent factors. The security challenge is an incompressible means, this academic work is built around the positive irreversibly impact of the armed forces and security in the building of peace, stability and development in Central African Republic.

Diss. Uppsala : Uppsala universitet, 2008.