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<p> </p><p><em>The universal citizenship rights can not protect the interests of national minorities by systematically excluding them from social, economic and political life. It does this by denying national minorities access to their own societal cultures-a choice enabling background conditions. In order to enable meaningful choice, such cultures needs to be developing. The societal cultures of national minorities will, instead of being a living and developing ones, be condemned to an ever-increasing marginalization if the state follows a hands off approach to ethnicity. Thus the state must give a positive support to national minorities to help them develop their cultures in their own homeland. This can be done by drawing the boundary of the state in such a way that the ethnic minority can constitute a local majority to form a nation, and thus can be entitled to group-differentiated citizenship rights. This inevitably creates mutual-indifference among various nations, and seems to threaten the territorial integrity of the state. But as far as the multinational federation is the result of voluntary union of nations, though the social tie among these nations is weaker than the one found in a nation-state, it can nonetheless be enduring.</em></p><p>                              </p>

The universal citizenship rights can not protect the interests of national minorities by systematically excluding them from social, economic and political life. It does this by denying national minorities access to their own societal cultures-a choice enabling background conditions. In order to enable meaningful choice, such cultures needs to be developing. The societal cultures of national minorities will, instead of being a living and developing ones, be condemned to an ever-increasing marginalization if the state follows a hands off approach to ethnicity. Thus the state must give a positive support to national minorities to help them develop their cultures in their own homeland. This can be done by drawing the boundary of the state in such a way that the ethnic minority can constitute a local majority to form a nation, and thus can be entitled to group-differentiated citizenship rights. This inevitably creates mutual-indifference among various nations, and seems to threaten the territorial integrity of the state. But as far as the multinational federation is the result of voluntary union of nations, though the social tie among these nations is weaker than the one found in a nation-state, it can nonetheless be enduring.

This study aims to compare Roma community in Edirne and Dom community in Diyarbakir with regard to their integration levels to different majorities (respectively Turks in Edirne and Kurds in Diyarbakir) and belonging to the political body (state), access to citizenship rights (civil, social, political and cultural) and the affect of transnational citizenship on Roma and Dom communities. The main argument of this study asserts that Roma community can have more access to citizenship rights than Dom community. This is related with the fact that Roma community lives with Turks, who are the ethnic majority in Edirne and in Turkey, whereas Dom community lives mostly with Kurds, who are the majority in Diyarbakir but minority in Turkey. Foremost, Roma community has closer connections with state and transnational space than Dom community. The study has found that ethnicity appears as a common barrier for both communities in benefiting from full citizenship. However, it is noted that they experienced different historical, social and economic transformations. Social exclusion is observed at different levels for the two communities. Hence, the study tries to explain why the equality principle of citizenship is ruptured for both communities. While forced migration in 1990s and the gradual loss of musician craft were key factors for the exclusion of Dom community in the labor market,Roma community with affect of agricultural modernization, has repositioned themselves in terms of ethnicity and class formation in last 40-50 years owing mainly to urbanization and modernization. The study has found that Dom community has very limited citizenship rights compared to Roma community. The differences can be obviously seen with regard to impact of poverty and their integration levels to the majority.

This study offers an ethnographic account of the Brazilian protest movement that erupted in June of 2013. I conducted fieldwork in Rio during this time, including unstructured interviews, participant observation, unobtrusive observation, and collection of narratives to gain an understanding of what people living in Rio believe about these protests and social movements in general. The initial motivation for the protests was an increase in public transportation fare, but the movement quickly evolved into a fight for citizenship rights. With the upcoming mega-events in Rio (World Cup and Olympic Games), the city has spent billions of dollars on construction that many people think is unnecessary and ultimately useless. Brazil is a country rife with socioeconomic inequality, and many citizens lack access to having their basic needs met. Protesters in Rio argue that this money could be better spent on providing health care, education, and other fundamental necessities to the city’s population.

This study offers an ethnographic account of the Brazilian protest movement that erupted in June of 2013. I conducted fieldwork in Rio during this time, including unstructured interviews, participant observation, unobtrusive observation, and collection of narratives to gain an understanding of what people living in Rio believe about these protests and social movements in general. The initial motivation for the protests was an increase in public transportation fare, but the movement quickly evolved into a fight for citizenship rights. With the upcoming mega-events in Rio (World Cup and Olympic Games), the city has spent billions of dollars on construction that many people think is unnecessary and ultimately useless. Brazil is a country rife with socioeconomic inequality, and many citizens lack access to having their basic needs met. Protesters in Rio argue that this money could be better spent on providing health care, education, and other fundamental necessities to the city’s population.

The purpose of this thesis is to explore the challenges of immigration on the modern concept of citizenship by interpreting the perceptions of individuals. It tries to reveal the ways in which citizenship practices and conceptualizations of second-generationTurkish-Germans support and/or diverge from the theoretical approaches that attempt to explicate the immigration/citizenship problem. Second-generation Turkish-Germans&rsquo / experiences and perceptions of citizenship are investigated with respect to three aspects of citizenship that are legal status, identity, and civic virtue.

abstract: This master's thesis examines negative stereotypes of blackness in mainstream media in the Dominican Republic, and analyzes the manner in which racial identity has been reinforced and contested. Discourse analysis is utilized to analyze the language and rhetoric of editorials from Listin Diario. The rationale for this study is to assess how Dominicans have learned about blackness through the depictions in media and popular music, and therefore draw conclusions as to how Dominicans view their own racial identity. Considerable attention will be paid to the years between 2010-2013, using the Haitian earthquake disaster of 2010 and Verdict TC 0168-13 of the Dominican Constitutional Tribunal of 2013 as major historical events to frame the study. To these assumptions, this inquiry addresses the following questions: How have Haitians been portrayed in the mainstream newspaper of Listin Diario between the period of 2010-2013? How do the pedagogies in media and popular music educate Dominicans about portrayals of blackness during this period? What are the historiographical roots of these portrayals, particularly regarding the dynamics of race and citizenship? I will demonstrate that the prevailing depictions of Haitians adhere to a historically oriented construction of Dominican identity, known as "Dominicanidad" or "Dominicanness," and that these depictions largely omit African heritage as a contributor to national identity. / Dissertation/Thesis / M.A. Social and Cultural Pedagogy 2014

Submitted by Oliveira Santos Dilzaná (dilznana@yahoo.com.br) on 2016-06-21T11:51:56Z No. of bitstreams: 1 TESE de Eulália Lima Azevedo.pdf: 1396441 bytes, checksum: 95abcddbbd9aca7d98dd557367324c62 (MD5) / Approved for entry into archive by Juarez Cardoso da Silva (juarez.cardoso@ufba.br) on 2016-06-27T18:51:47Z (GMT) No. of bitstreams: 1 TESE de Eulália Lima Azevedo.pdf: 1396441 bytes, checksum: 95abcddbbd9aca7d98dd557367324c62 (MD5) / Made available in DSpace on 2016-06-27T18:51:47Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 1 TESE de Eulália Lima Azevedo.pdf: 1396441 bytes, checksum: 95abcddbbd9aca7d98dd557367324c62 (MD5) / FAPESB / O movimento dos/as aposentados/as e pensionistas vem se empenhando para garantir sua voz própria no contexto de participação democrática. Esta pesquisa documenta e analisa as perspectivas da nova pedagogia que está sendo gestada no movimento dos aposentados/as, pensionistas e idosos, na Bahia, como estratégia para (re)afirmar sua condição de sujeito social de defesa dos direitos da pessoa idosa no contexto de reconfiguração dos movimentos sociais na América Latina. Tal análise se insere no marco da definição dos princípios de uma nova cidadania, cujo conteúdo se assenta no paradigma da emancipação relacionada às idades/gerações e gênero na perspectiva feminista e de classe social. Este estudo qualitativo, com detalhamento etnográfico, foi pautado, basicamente, na observação direta com registro sistemático em diário de campo e em entrevistas individuais semiestruturadas, tanto dos participantes quanto de dirigentes do movimento articulado pelo Fórum Permanente em Defesa do Idoso, em Salvador, Bahia, campo empírico desta pesquisa, num total de trinta e seis entrevistados. A empiria desta análise centra-se em três entidades: uma que pauta suas ações em reivindicações estritamente políticas, constituída por homens em sua maioria e duas outras, com composição majoritária de mulheres, prioriza as atividades culturais e de lazer. Os resultados indicam que a nova pedagogia desenhada pelo movimento dos aposentados/as e pensionistas, na Bahia, vem promovendo o desenvolvimento da consciência crítica, quanto a seus direitos, do maior número possível de pessoas que envelhecem, notadamente as mulheres. Vem propiciando mudanças na consciência dessas pessoas, no que diz respeito à ruptura do tradicional papel definido no âmbito das relações geracionais e de gênero. As mulheres idosas vêm assumindo não só funções pouco prestigiadas, como em tempos anteriores, mas também aquelas investidas de maior poder de decisão na organização do movimento. Suas habilidades adquiridas no processo de formação durante a vida toda vêm sendo apropriadas pelo movimento político dos/as idosos/as de uma maneira positiva. Concluo que uma nova imagem de si, de sua condição de velho e velha, informada por novos valores, vai-se formatando e impondo o reconhecimento de uma nova representação por toda a sociedade. O movimento dos aposentados e pensionistas está alcançando as demandas mais amplas e significativas do cotidiano das pessoas idosas e assim vem ampliando sua base de sustentação. Nesse percurso os/as idosos/as vão se empoderando, (re)afirmando-se como sujeito social/político e se permitindo envelhecer com liberdade. No âmbito das relações de poder que dão conteúdo aos conflitos entre as gerações, formata-se uma nova correlação de forças que vai definindo um novo lugar social para a velhice, de onde se fazem ouvir as gerações de velhos/as trabalhadores/as como interlocutoras das demandas de todos/as os/as idosos/as. The movement of the retired and pensioners has striven to take an active role in the context of democratic participation. This research documents and analyzes the perspectives of the new pedagogy that's been gestated in the movement of the retired, pensioners and the elderly in Bahia, as a strategy to (re)affirm their condition of social subjects in the defense of the elderly's rights in the context of the reconfiguration of social movements in Latin America. Such an analysis is part of the mark of the definition of the principles of a new citizenship, whose contents are based on the paradigm of the emancipation related to ages/generations and gender, under the feminist perspective and that of social class. This qualitative study, containing ethnographic details, was supported, basically, on direct observation with systematic registrations on a diary and on individual semi-structured interviews of both the participants and the directors of the movement articulated by The Permanent Forum in the Defense of the Elderly, in Salvador, Bahia, empirical field of this research, totalizing thirty-six interviewees. The empirical nature of this analysis is centered in three entities: one that bases its actions on strictly political claims, mostly consisting of men, and the other two entities, whose members are mostly women, which prioritize cultural and leisure activities. The results indicate that the new pedagogy designed by the movement of the retired and pensioners, in Bahia, has promoted the development of critical thinking, regarding their rights, in the largest number of people who get old, notably women. It’s been encouraging changes in these people’s minds concerning the rupture of the traditional role defined in the scope of generation and gender relations. A new image of themselves, of their status of old men or women, informed by new values, formats itself and imposes the acknowledgement of a new representation by all the society. In the meantime, the elderly empower and (re)affirm themselves as social/political subjects and allow themselves to grow old with freedom. Elderly women have taken not only unprivileged roles, like in times before, but also those invested of more decisionmaking power in the organization of the movement. Their skills acquired in the formation process during all their lives have been appropriated by the political movement of the elderly in a positive way. The movement of the retired and pensioners is reaching wider and more significant demands of elderly people’s everyday life and, therefore, has been enlarging its supporting basis. I conclude that, in the scope of power relationships which foment generation gap conflicts, a new correlation of forces is formatted which defines a new social place for the old age where one can hear the generations of old male and female workers as interlocutors of the elderly’s demands. / The movement of the retired and pensioners has striven to take an active role in the context of democratic participation. This research documents and analyzes the perspectives of the new pedagogy that's been gestated in the movement of the retired, pensioners and the elderly in Bahia, as a strategy to (re)affirm their condition of social subjects in the defense of the elderly's rights in the context of the reconfiguration of social movements in Latin America. Such an analysis is part of the mark of the definition of the principles of a new citizenship, whose contents are based on the paradigm of the emancipation related to ages/generations and gender, under the feminist perspective and that of social class. This qualitative study, containing ethnographic details, was supported, basically, on direct observation with systematic registrations on a diary and on individual semi-structured interviews of both the participants and the directors of the movement articulated by The Permanent Forum in the Defense of the Elderly, in Salvador, Bahia, empirical field of this research, totalizing thirty-six interviewees. The empirical nature of this analysis is centered in three entities: one that bases its actions on strictly political claims, mostly consisting of men, and the other two entities, whose members are mostly women, which prioritize cultural and leisure activities. The results indicate that the new pedagogy designed by the movement of the retired and pensioners, in Bahia, has promoted the development of critical thinking, regarding their rights, in the largest number of people who get old, notably women. It’s been encouraging changes in these people’s minds concerning the rupture of the traditional role defined in the scope of generation and gender relations. A new image of themselves, of their status of old men or women, informed by new values, formats itself and imposes the acknowledgement of a new representation by all the society. In the meantime, the elderly empower and (re)affirm themselves as social/political subjects and allow themselves to grow old with freedom. Elderly women have taken not only unprivileged roles, like in times before, but also those invested of more decisionmaking power in the organization of the movement. Their skills acquired in the formation process during all their lives have been appropriated by the political movement of the elderly in a positive way. The movement of the retired and pensioners is reaching wider and more significant demands of elderly people’s everyday life and, therefore, has been enlarging its supporting basis. I conclude that, in the scope of power relationships which foment generation gap conflicts, a new correlation of forces is formatted which defines a new social place for the old age where one can hear the generations of old male and female workers as interlocutors of the elderly’s demands. Key-words: Autonomy. Citizenship Rights. Social Security. Aging. Gender. Generations.

<p>The purpose with this dissertation is to study the Intersex phenomenon in South Africa, meaning the interplay between the dual sex and gender norms in society. Hence, the treatment by some medical institutions and the view of some non-medical institutions upon this ‘treatment’, have been studied in relation to the Intersex infant’s human rights and citizenship rights. The thesis has moreover also investigated how young Intersex children are included/excluded and mentioned/not mentioned within South Africa’s legal system and within UN’s Convention on the Rights of the Child.</p><p>Furthermore, because Intersex children are viewed as ‘different’ on two accounts – their status as infants and born with an atypical congenital physical sexual differentiation, the thesis’ theoretical framework looks at the phenomenon from three perspectives – ‘the politics of difference’, human rights, and citizenship rights directed towards infants. The theoretical frameworks have been used to ask questions in relation to the empirical data, i.e. look at how the Intersex infants are ‘treated’ in relation to their status as ‘different’; and also in relation to the concept of being recognized, respected and allowed to partake in deciding whether to impose surgery or not. Moreover, what ‘treatment’ serves the best interest of the Intersex child? This has been done through semi structured interviews.</p><p>In conclusion, some of the dissertation’s most important features are that since the South African society, like many other societies, strongly live by the belief that there are only two sexes and genders, this implies that Intersex infants do not fit in and become walking pathologies who must be ‘fixed’ to become ‘normal’. Moreover, since most genital corrective surgeries are imposed without being medically or surgically necessary, and are generally imposed before the age of consent (18), the children concerned, are generally not asked for their opinion regarding the surgery. Lastly because early corrective surgery can have devastating life lasting consequences, this ultimately means that the child’s human rights and citizenship rights are of a concern. These conclusions do however not ignore the consequences one has to endure for the price of being ‘different’.</p>