Esta tese tem por objetivo analisar as práticas de desaparecimento das ditaduras civil-militares de segurança nacional argentina e brasileira como componentes das estratégias de implantação do terror desses regimes, como a questão dos desaparecidos foi tratada durante os governos transicionais e administrações civis posteriores ao período ditatorial e como a temática foi trabalhada a partir dos governos de Luiz Inácio Lula da Silva e Néstor Kirchner. Pretende-se, desta forma, estabelecer uma relação entre a forma como foram realizados os processos de transição política – em se tratando dos Direitos Humanos, mais especificamente, a garantia do direito à justiça e à verdade – e a elaboração de políticas de memória e reparação ou desmemória e esquecimento no presente. A partir dessa compreensão, têm-se indícios de que as rupturas, caracterizadas por uma condenação moral em relação ao passado ditatorial, são fundamentais para o desenvolvimento dessas políticas. Para o cumprimento deste objetivo, este estudo está dividido em três capítulos. No primeiro, apresenta-se uma análise da prática do desaparecimento, salientado as semelhanças existentes entre o caso argentino e brasileiro, resguardadas as diferenças em extensividade e intensidade. O segundo estuda os processos de transição política e o tratamento conferido à questão dos desaparecidos pelos governos transicionais e pelas administrações civis até o término da década de 1990. O terceiro e último capítulo analisa as políticas de memória e reparação e desmemória e esquecimento elaboradas a partir dos anos 2000, quando se efetivou uma mudança no marco interpretativo sobre o passado recente da região e se tornou possível a consecução dessas políticas. / This thesis aims to analyze the practice of disappearance of Argentine and Brazilian national security civil-military dictatorship as components of strategies for implementing terror. It also aims to approach how the transitional governments and subsequent civil administrations dealt with the disappeared and how this issue had been discussed from the governments of Luiz Inácio Lula da Silva and Néstor Kirchner. This approach aims to establish a relation between the ways the political transitions took place in these countries – regarding the Human Rights, more specifically, in guaranteeing the rights to justice and truth – and the development of memory and repair policies or oblivion flaring and forgetting policies in the present. Based on this comprehension, there are evidences that the disruptions, characterized by a moral conviction against the dictatorial past, are fundamental to the development of these policies. For the fulfillment of these objectives, this study is divided into three chapters. The first one presents an analysis of the practice of disappearance, stressing the similarities between the Argentine and Brazilian case, safeguarding the differences in extensiveness and intensity. The second one deals with the processes of political transition and the treatment given to the issue of disappearance by the transitional governments and the civil administrations until the end of the 1990’s. The third and final chapter analyzes the memory and repair policies or oblivion flaring and forgetting policies prepared since the year 2000, when there was a change in the interpretative framework about the region recent past and it became possible to achieve these policies.

Esta dissertação tem por objetivo central demonstrar, por meio da análise da discografia do compositor e intérprete chileno Víctor Jara, e, mais especificamente, de seu disco La Población, que a subjugação dos movimentos populares, já no imediato pós-golpe civilmilitar chileno de 11 de setembro de 1973, foi tão ou mais importante do que a dos canais propriamente políticos, explicitados na Unidad Popular e no governo de Salvador Allende. Decorrente deste problema geral, verificam-se os mecanismos de Terror de Estado adotados na primeira fase da ditadura chilena (11 de setembro a 31 de dezembro de 1973), apontando seus desdobramentos no marco legal e institucional e atentando para os efeitos de tais medidas na desestruturação dos movimentos populares de então. A partir disso é possível apreender o antagonismo existente entre a visão de mundo que se impôs no Chile a partir do golpe de Estado e a vida e obra deste artista, concluindo que sua execução no Estadio Chile insere-se nos mecanismos centrados no terror como “exemplo” aos setores que apoiavam ou se identificavam com o governo da Unidad Popular. / The aim of this work is to demonstrate, through analysis of the discography of the composer and singer Víctor Jara, Chile, particularly the disc La Población, that the subjugation of popular movements, since the immediate post-coup Chilean civil-military September 11, 1973, was equally or more important than the proper political channels as detailed in the Unidad Popular, and the government of Salvador Allende. Resulting from this general problem, there are the mechanisms of State Terror adopted in the first phase of the Chilean dictatorship (September 11 to December 31, 1973), pointing to its consequences on the legal and institutional framework and paying attention to the effects of such measures on disruption of people's movements. From this we can understand the antagonism between the world idea that prevailed in Chile after the coup and the life and work of Victor Jara, Suggesting that his execution at the Estadio Chile is part of the terror mechanisms as "an example" to the sectors that supported or identified with the government of the Unidad Popular.

O presente estudo analisa as formas como os familiares de pessoas mortas e desaparecidas durante a ditadura civil-militar no Brasil (1964-1985) se organizaram para reivindicar: 1º) o reconhecimento da responsabilidade do Estado brasileiro pelas violações aos direitos humanos praticadas em nome do regime autoritário; 2º) a apuração das reais circunstâncias em que estas mortes e desaparecimentos ocorreram; 3º) a responsabilização dos culpados; 4º) o resgate e a preservação da memória relativa a estes fatos. Fortalecida na primeira metade da década de 1970, a luta dos familiares organizados em torno da Comissão de Familiares de Mortos e Desaparecidos Políticos (CFMDP) estende-se até a atualidade. Canalizadas para os Comitês Brasileiros pela Anistia (CBA’s) que surgiram a partir de 1978, suas demandas foram, entretanto, praticamente desconsideradas no momento em que o Governo Federal aprovou a Lei da Anistia, em agosto de 1979. Com o fim da luta pela Anistia, e, por consequência, com a extinção dos CBA’s, os familiares rearticularam-se, centralizando seus esforços no fortalecimento da CFMDP. Em mais de três décadas de atividades, a CFMDP vem trabalhando de forma insistente junto à sociedade na tentativa de fazer com que os crimes cometidos no período autoritário não sejam esquecidos e buscando ampliar seu apoio com vistas à construção de políticas que atendam suas demandas. O trabalho desenvolvido pela CFMDP neste sentido obteve: a) o reconhecimento da responsabilidade do Estado brasileiro pelos crimes cometidos em nome do regime civil-militar; b) a concessão de indenizações aos familiares das vítimas fatais do aparato repressivo; c) um incremento no tocante à divulgação do tema junto à sociedade. Para aprofundar suas conquistas e formular novas políticas, que, mais efetivas, tratem do tema, a Comissão continua, no entanto, tendo que lidar com legados do autoritarismo que, tais como o bloqueio interpretativo que defende uma anistia recíproca e incentiva a impunidade e o esquecimento dos crimes cometidos pela ditadura, o rol das prerrogativas militares, a política nacional de sigilo ainda vigente e os resquícios culturais da Doutrina de Segurança Nacional, seguem limitando visivelmente a obtenção de avanços significativos no que se refere à reparação dos familiares. / This study examines the ways in which relatives of people killed or disappeared during the civil-military dictatorship in Brazil (1964-1985) were organized to demand: 1) recognition of liability by the Brazilian state for violations of human rights committed in the name of the authoritarian regime; 2) the investigation of actual circumstances of these deaths and disappearances occurred; 3) liability of perpetrators; 4) the rescue and preservation of the memory on these facts. Strengthened in the first half of the 1970s, the struggle of families organized around the Commission of the Families of the Dead and Disappeared Political Activists (CFDDPA) extends until present. Channeled to the Brazilian Committees for Amnesty (BCA’s) that have emerged since 1978, their demands were, however, virtually ignored at the time the Federal Government approved the Amnesty Law in August 1979. With the end of the fight for amnesty, and, consequently, with the extinction of the BCA’s, the families reorganized themselves, centering its efforts on strengthening the CFDDPA. In more than three decades of activity, CFDDPA has been working persistently to the society in an attempt to make the crimes committed during authoritarian period are not forgotten and seeking to extend their support towards the construction of policies that meet their demands. The work developed by CFDDPA in this direction has obtained: a) the recognition of the liability of the Brazilian state for crimes committed on behalf of civil-military regime, b) the granting of compensation to the families of the victims of the repressive apparatus, c) an increase in respect of the disclosure of the issue to the society. To deepen their achievements and formulate new policies, more effectives to address the issue, the Commission continues, however, having to deal with legacies of authoritarian regimes, such as the interpretative blocking that defends a mutual amnesty and incentives the impunity and forgetfulness for crimes committed by the dictatorship, the role of military prerogatives, the secrecy national policy still in force and the remnants of the cultural National Security Doctrine, still follow limiting the obtaining of significant advances with regard to compensation to the families.

Orientador: Eliezer Rizzo de Oliveira / Tese (doutorado) - Universidade Estadual de Campinas, Instituto de Filosofia e Ciencias Humanas / Made available in DSpace on 2018-08-05T00:45:52Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 1 Antunes_PriscilaCarlosBrandao_D.pdf: 26356082 bytes, checksum: c01a75fdefd83ce61dece0abae7a04c2 (MD5) Previous issue date: 2005 / Resumo: Esta tese analisa as recentes reformas nos serviços de inteligência civil brasileiro, argentino e chileno, no contexto das relações civis militares. Três diferentes problemas analíticos estruturam a pesquisa: A) o desafio institucional da construção de sistemas que sejam eficientes, eficazes e consistentes com as demandas de segurança e defesa nestes países. Como os serviços de inteligência civis têm sido institucionalmente desenhados a partir dos processos de transição e consolidação democrática? B) O desafio institucional de construção de sistemas de inteligência responsáveis, responsivos e consistentes com as demandas de controle público democrático? Porque os recentes mecanismos de supervisão congressual e accountability têm desempenho diferenciado nos diversos países em termos de sua capacidade de controle sobre as atividadesde inteligência? C) Odesafio profissional da construção de sistemas de inteligência flexíveis, capacitados e analiticamente relevantes. Quais são os mecanismos institucionais mais importantes utilizados em cada país para avaliar o desempenho analítico dos serviços de inteligência? Os objetivos gerais desta pesquisa são produzir conhecimentos sobre o funcionamento e o papel dos sistemas de inteligência durante processos de consolidação democrática e aumentar o grau de expertise civil e reconhecimento público sobre a importância e os dilemas envolvidos na atuação dos serviços de inteligência / Abstract: This thesis analyzes the recent refonns of the Brazilian, Argentinean and Chilean civic intelligence services in the context of the South American civic-military relationship issues. The research is based on three different problems: A) The institutional challenge of building effective, efficient and consistent intelligence systems in order to fulfill the demands for security and defense of those countries. How have Latin American civic intelligence services been institutionally planned in the transition and consolidation periods? B) The institutional challenge of designing responsive, consistent and responsible intelligence systems to do what is required by the public democratic controI. Why have the modern means of supervising congress tasks had distinct perfonnances in the control of intelligence activities considering accountability in those countries? C) The professional challenge of structuring flexible, qualified and analytically relevant intelligence systems. How do those countries deal with the professionalization issues related to intelligence systems analysis? What are the most important institutional devices used to evaluate the analytic perfonnance of intelligence services by the national government in each of those countries? The general objectives of the research are to produce knowledge about the role and operations of intelligence systems during processes of democratic consolidation and to increase civil expertise and public awareness about the importance and the dilemmas involved in the perfonnance of intelligence services / Doutorado / Doutor em Ciências Sociais

Submitted by Priscila Cabral Almeida (priscilacbrl@gmail.com) on 2018-05-21T01:53:10Z No. of bitstreams: 1 ALMEIDA, P.C. 2018. Tese de Doutorado..pdf: 5667653 bytes, checksum: 519b25c62155b6b8291089851e7de6b4 (MD5) / Approved for entry into archive by Diego Andrade (diego.andrade@fgv.br) on 2018-05-30T18:00:08Z (GMT) No. of bitstreams: 1 ALMEIDA, P.C. 2018. Tese de Doutorado..pdf: 5667653 bytes, checksum: 519b25c62155b6b8291089851e7de6b4 (MD5) / Made available in DSpace on 2018-06-14T19:57:24Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 1 ALMEIDA, P.C. 2018. Tese de Doutorado..pdf: 5667653 bytes, checksum: 519b25c62155b6b8291089851e7de6b4 (MD5) Previous issue date: 2018-04-27 / A luta política pela construção de memoriais associados à ditadura civil-militar brasileira (1964-1985) vem ganhando destaque na última década no Brasil a partir do entendimento de que a preservação, o financiamento e a manutenção destes lugares de memória são políticas de Estado, legitimados por instrumentos como o III Plano Nacional de Direitos Humanos (PNDH-3) e o Relatório Final da Comissão Nacional da Verdade (CNV). Os projetos e processos de construção dos lugares de memória da resistência são protagonizados por agentes situados no campo de disputas por memória, verdade e justiça, conformado pelo recente contexto de aprofundamento da justiça de transição no país. Partindo do pressuposto que a articulação destes agentes em busca da legitimação dos lugares de memória da resistência configura uma estratégia para inscrever fatos e histórias no imaginário social, esta pesquisa tem como objetivo descrever como estes projetos e processos são marcados por disputas e assimetrias entre estes agentes, assim como nas suas interações com o poder reificado pelo Estado. Situada e relacional, esta pesquisa tem como objetivo caracterizar e analisar o papel dos atores, bem como as temporalidades, imagens e narrativas que estão em disputa nos processos de construção de memoriais em curso na cidade Salvador (Memorial da Resistência da Bahia, Casa Marighella e Forte do Barbalho), no período de 2011 a 2016. / The political struggle for the construction of memorials associated with the Brazilian civil-military dictatorship (1964-1985) gained prominence in the last decade from the understanding that the preservation, financing and maintenance of these sites of memory are state policies legitimized by instruments such as the Brazil’s 3rd Human Rights National Plan and the Final Report of the National Truth Commission. The building projects and processes of these sites of memory of the resistance are carried out by agents located in the field of disputes for memory, truth and justice, conformed by the recent context of deepening transitional justice in the country. Based on the assumption that the articulation of these agents in search of legitimation of the sites of memory of resistance constitutes a strategy to inscribe facts and stories in the social imaginary, this research aims to describe how these projects and processes are marked by disputes and asymmetries between these agents, as well as in their interactions with the power reified by the State. Situated and relational, this research aims to characterize and analyze the actors, as well as the temporalities, images and narratives that are in dispute in the processes of construction of memorials in progress in the city of Salvador (Bahia’s Resistance Memorial, Marighella’s House and Barbalho’s Fort), from 2011 to 2016.

This thesis examines the development of the soldier in late-Victorian Britain in light of the movement to rehabilitate the public image of the ordinary ranks initiated by the Cardwell-Childers Reforms. Venerated in popular culture, Tommy Atkins became a symbol of British imperial strength and heroism. Socially, however, attitudes to the rank-and-file were defined by a pragmatic realism purged of such sentiments, the likes of which would characterise the British public’s relationship with their army for over thirty years. Scholars of both imperial culture and the Victorian military have identified this dual persona of Tommy Atkins, however, a dedicated study into the true nature of the soldier’s position has yet to be undertaken. The following research will seek to redress this omission. The soldier is approached through the perspective of three key influences which defined his development. The first influence, the politics of the War Office, exposes a progressive series of schemes which, cultivated for over a decade, sought to redefine the soldier through the popularisation of military service and the professionalisation of the military’s public relations strategy and apparatus. A forgotten component of the Cardwell-Childers Reforms, the schemes have not before been scrutinised. Despite the ingenuity of the schemes devised, the social rehabilitation of the soldier failed, primarily, it will be argued, because the government refused to improve his pay. The public’s response to the Cardwell-Childers Reforms and the British perception of the ordinary soldier in the decades following their introduction form the second perspective. Through surveys of the local and London press and mainstream literature, it is demonstrated the soldier, in part as a result of the reforms, underwent a social transition, precipitated by his entering the public consciousness and encouraged by a resulting fascination in the military life. The final perspective presented in this thesis is from within the rank-and-file itself. Through the examination of specialist newspaper, diary and memoir material the direct experiences of the soldiers themselves are explored. Amid the extensive public and political discussion of their nature and status, the soldier also engaged in the debate. The perspective of the rank-and-file provides direct context for the established perspectives of the British public and the War Office, but also highlights how the soldier both supported and opposed the reforms and was acutely aware of the social status he possessed. This thesis will examine the public and political treatment of the soldier in the late-nineteenth century and question how far the conflicting ideas of soldier-hero and soldier-beggar were reconciled.

The 2016 Turkish failed coup attempt was a striking political event of the year. Although Turkey is a country with a long history of successful military intervention and deep-rooted coup culture, the coup organizers could not achieve the desired outcome in 2016. The coups of 1960, 1971, 1980 and 1997 have resulted in the government's change where the military played an important role by influencing the political sphere. However, the result was different in the coup attempt carried out on 15 July 2016. As the President, a large segment of military, political parties and a significant part of the society had an anti-coup attitude and stood up against the military coup. For this reason, the thesis attempts to compare the 2016 Turkish failed coup with the previous successful coups of 1960, 1971, 1980, and 1997's in Turkey. The comparison is based on the hypotheses built on four civil-military relation theories and concepts: Military Professionalism, Civilian Supremacy, Social Cohesion and Public Institutionalism. According to the analyses, the findings indicate that the theories of Civilian Supremacy and Public Institutionalism better explain the failure of 2016 and the success of the previous coups than other theories.

Private military companies have rapidly filled in many operational force capacities that national militaries now longer have the capabilities to fill natively. As such, PMCs have expanded their rosters as well as their services provided to fill in many roles, and have carried out many such roles such as logistics management, personal and site security, and some inherently state functions such as training indigenous security forces and interrogation of prisoners. This rise has impacted national militaries in many facets of their operations and abstract professional bases. The ability of the PMC to carry out operations at the same standard as regular soldiers but with higher pay has impacted how the regular soldier views their own place in the professional national military, and creates problems for the establishment as a whole. This thesis will discuss the Iraq War as a case study and the impact of PMCs on the war, as well as introduce the Huntingtonian theories of soldier professionalism and corporateness, and will also employ a critical Marxist perspective to analyse the role and impact of PMCs in the modern military convention and in civil-military relations.

In connection with the events of the Arab Spring in 2011, the region of northern Africa in particular underwent significant political changes. One of the states in which widespread protests caused the overturn of the authoritarian regime and subsequently established the democratization process was also Egypt, whose case is profoundly analysed in the second part of the thesis. Generally speaking, the thesis is concerned with the analysis of civil-military relations in states characterized by the low political culture. In the first place, it focuses on societies undergoing democratization process where the military traditionally maintains strong position within the state and hence often assumes the role of the leader of the transition. Therefore, the principal objective of the analysis constitutes the role of the army at the time of transition to democracy. At the same time, the thesis poses three research questions aiming partly at the military position, partly at the motives determining the willingness of the military to intervene. In the second part, the thesis analyses the given case through five defined factors which it subsequently examines in two levels: conceptual and interventionist. The goal of the thesis it to explain which factors determine strong position of the army in given praetorian...

This study examined impact of national culture on human resource management (HRM) functioning in present-day Pakistan. / No digital full text provided