Nas páginas desta Tese, procuramos entender o surgimento e a trajetória de um grupo de ex-marinheiros, que participou da diretoria da Associação dos Marinheiros e Fuzileiros Navais do Brasil, AMFNB, entre maio de 1963 e o Golpe de 1964. Suas origens remontam à crise de 1961, quando os ministros militares brasileiros tentaram impedir a posse do vice-presidente João Goulart, após a renúncia de Jânio Quadros. Esse grupo, que denominamos Coletivo, inseriu-se no movimento mais amplo dos militares subalternos das Forças Armadas, que teve seu auge na chamada Revolta dos Sargentos de setembro de 1963. A partir do Golpe de 1964, o Coletivo entrou nas organizações guerrilheiras, passando por uma transição de nacionalistas a revolucionários. Os membros desse Coletivo, algumas vezes, estiveram dispersos, mas voltavam sempre a se reunir como se estivessem ligados a um compromisso surgido nos tempos da AMFNB. O grupo foi preso e encaminhado para a Penitenciária Professor Lemos Brito. Nesse lugar, ocupando pontos estratégicos na Administração Penitenciária, pode executar atividades que melhoraram a vida dos presos comuns, bem como de preparar sua fuga da prisão. Para a execução do plano de fuga, denominado Operação Liberdade, criou-se uma organização guerrilheira clandestina, com o sugestivo nome MAR Movimento de Ação Revolucionária (a sigla se confundia com o substantivo mar), envolvendo várias pessoas de fora da Penitenciária. Sua fuga da prisão não significou afastamento da política. Ingressaram novamente na guerrilha no combate à ditadura civil-militar. Alguns de seus membros foram presos novamente, outros saíram do país e seu líder, Marcos Antônio da Silva Lima, foi morto numa emboscada da polícia, quando militava no PCBR. O caminho percorrido pelo Coletivo, após o Golpe, permite compreender as estratégias e a ideia que tinham as organizações guerrilheiras de revolução. Realizando as entrevistas com membros desse Coletivo, conseguimos acesso a suas avaliações sobre as organizações guerrilheiras pelas quais passaram e sobre aquela jornada histórica. / This thesis tries to understand the emergence and trajectory of a ex-sailors group who attended the board of the Association of Sailors and Marines of Brazil (Associação dos Marinheiros e Fuzileiros Navais do Brasil, AMFNB) from May 1963 to the coup of 1964. Its origins date back to the 1961 crisis, when Brazilian military ministers tried to prevent the vice-president João Goulart possession, after the resign of president Janio Quadros. This group, which we call Collective, was part of the broader movement of the subaltern Armed Forces personnel, which had its heyday in the named Revolt of the Sergeants September 1963. From the 1964 coup, the Collective entered guerrilla organizations, through a transition from the nationalist to revolutionaries. The members of this Collective sometimes been dispersed, but they always returned to meet as if they were connected to a compromise emerged in AMFNB times. The group was arrested and taken to the Penitentiary Teacher Lemos Brito. There, occupying strategic points in Prison Administration, it could perform activities that improved the lives of ordinary prisoners, and to prepare his escape from prison. They created for the implementation of the escape plan, called Freedom Operation, a clandestine guerilla organization, with the suggestive name MAR - Revolutionary Action Movement (the acronym was confused with the noun SEA), involving several people outside the penitentiary. Their prison break did not mean retirement from politics. Once again joined the guerrillas in fighting Brazilian civil-military dictatorship. Some of its members were arrested again, others left the country and its leader, Marcos Antonio da Silva Lima, was killed in a police ambush, when militated in PCBR. The path taken by the Collective after the coup allows us to understand the strategies and the concept of revolution which guerrilla organizations had. We got access to their reviews of the guerrilla organizations through which passed and on that historic journey conducting interviews with members of the Collective.

Esta pesquisa debruça-se no meu processo de criação atoral no espetáculo Os filhos da Dita, do Núcleo Arlequins da Cooperativa Paulista de Teatro, tendo como base teórico/prática principal o treinamento psicofísico proposto pelo encenador-pedagogo Vsévolod Meyerhold, buscando sublinhar as demandas e possibilidades de uma postura política consequente em cena. A partir das relações estabelecidas desde a escolha do tema, o desenvolvimento da dramaturgia e posterior criação cênica propriamente dita, busco descrever os estímulos e motivações que me conduziram na criação cênica em diálogo com a estética desenvolvida pela companhia há 25 anos, e o posterior contato estabelecido com o espectador. / This research lies on my acting creative process in the play called Os filhos da Dita, of Arlequins (Theatre group that belongs to the Cooperativa Paulista de Teatro), having as main theoretical/practical basis the psycho physical training proposed by pedagogue-director Vsévolod Meyerhold, aiming at underling the demands and possibilities of a consequent political posture on stage. Based on the relationships established with various artists involved in a creative process from choosing the play theme, dramaturgy development and following scenic creation, I describe the stimulus and motives that led me in the scenic creation. The procedures are developed in open dialogue with the esthetics held by the group in the last 25 years, and subsequent contact established with the audience.

The purpose of this thesis is to reach a deeper understanding of how boundary spanners are bridging boundaries between uniformed bureaucratic organisations and their environment, characterised by demanding conditions. The main part of this thesis is based upon empirical data gathered through 71 interviews with Swedish civil and military informants from several uniformed organisations. Four articles have been included in this thesis in order to address the overarching aim. The results show that boundary spanners are crucial to the adaption of uniformed organisations to demanding conditions. A number of aspects that are included in the process of organisational adaption have been identified. One of the tasks is to balance between structuring and improvisation where much is at stake. The other task is to create confidence among the involved actors and contribute in different ways to create a sense of symmetry between partners. Finally, the third task for boundary spanners is to recognise improvised roles such as spontaneous links in order to maintain stressful conditions and bridge a gap in the bureaucratic organisation.  The present thesis contributes to sociological theory of emotions, disaster management and military studies through a common denominator, namely the demanding context. Taken together, the findings increase awareness of how organisations act towards their environments and how individuals, especially boundary spanners, adapt the organisation to its environment. For leaders and managers, it is important to make decisions, provide mandates and authorisation, as well as invest confidence in boundary spanners. The hierarchical chain may remain in existence, but it can be made shorter and more transparent through this kind of knowledge. / BAKSIDESTEXT: Organisational adaption to the environment is a complex area of research, necessitating enquiry into how such adaption may take place. The purpose of this thesis is to reach a deeper understanding of how boundary spanners are bridging boundaries between uniformed bureaucratic organisations and their environment, characterised by demanding conditions such as disasters and war. The main body of the thesis is based upon interviews with Swedish civil and military informants. The results show that boundary spanners are crucial to the adaption of uniformed organisations to demanding conditions. Their tasks involve balancing between structuring and improvisation, creating confidence among the involved actors and recognising improvised roles such as spontaneous links in order to maintain stressful conditions and bridge a gap in the bureaucratic organisation.  Taken together, the findings increase awareness of how organisations act towards their environments and how individuals, especially boundary spanners, adapt the organisation to its environment. For leaders and managers, it is important to make decisions, provide mandates and authorisation, as well as invest confidence in boundary spanners. The hierarchical chain may remain in existence, but it can be made shorter and more transparent through this kind of knowledge. The present thesis contributes to sociological theory of emotions, disaster management and military studies through a common denominator, namely the demanding context.

本論文之研究目的是企圖從前蘇聯文武關係研究途徑與克里姆林宮政治研究途徑來探討蘇聯解體後俄羅斯軍方之政治參與範疇與背後之動機。 就軍方政治參與之範疇而言，蘇聯於1991年底解體後，俄羅斯軍方在政治舞台上扮演了重要的角色。首先，我們可以從軍方在1993年俄羅斯新軍事準則成型的過程中，其強硬主張佔了主導的地位。第二、軍方在「近鄰」與前南斯拉夫維和行動的政策即便與外交部意見相衝突仍獲得最後主導權。第三、軍方在1993年10月政爭中並未完全保持中立，而最後軍方是站在葉里欽總統一方結束了此一政治危機。第四、軍方試圖從俄羅斯獨立後歷屆國家杜馬選舉中，藉由其投票行為或是主動參與競選來表達其政治態度與影響有關軍事方面之政策。 本論文以為，蘇後俄羅斯軍方的政治參與背後動機之主要原因有二。其一是蘇聯解體以後俄羅斯軍方制度利益嚴重惡化：蘇聯解體以後，軍方在軍事改革上無法有效進展、軍事預算嚴重不足、軍中生活條件惡化以及國防工業轉產上面臨了嚴重的問題。這些皆使得軍方為了自救不得不試圖從政治層面來解決軍隊之問題。其二是受到克里姆林宮政治互動之影響：葉里欽為了鞏固政軍大權，運用高超的政治手腕以及「分而治之」的統御方式，引用軍方的力量來打擊政治對手，另一方面也運用政治危機分化軍隊之團結性，使其無法在政治上形成對統治者之威脅。 / The purpose of the thesis attempts to analyze the scope and motives of post-soviet Russian military’s political participation by using former Soviet civil-military relations approach and Kremlin politics approach. As far as the scope of military’s political participation is concerned, since the dissolution of USSR in 1991, the Russian military has been playing an important role in Russian politics. First of all, during the process of formulating Russian new military doctrine in 1993, Russian military’s hard-line position dominated this process and its opinion finally won out. Secondly, peacekeeping operation took by the Russian military in the “Near Abroad” and former Yugoslavia, especially in Kosovo, usually conflicted the peaceful option hold by the Ministry of Russian Foreign Affairs, but the Russian military still took control of the final policy initiative. Thirdly, in October 1993, the Russian military didn’t remain neutral in the political struggle between president and Congress of People’s Deputies. It sided with president and therefore ended this severe political crisis. Fourthly, in each Duma election hold after Russia’s independence, the Russian military tried to express its political inclination and exerted its influence by voting, even actively took part in the election. This thesis is taking the position that the political participation of post-soviet Russian military is driven by two motives. First and foremost is the institutional interest of Russian military suffered great damage since the breakup of the USSR：military reform hasn’t made much progress; military budget received hasn’t sufficed the need of military; military faced the growing acute social problems within itself; the conversion of defense industry encountered difficulties. These problems made the Russian military try to preserve itself by political means. The second motive is affected by Kremlin political interaction：in order to strengthen his control over politics and military, Yeltsin used brilliant political art and managed the military by means of “divide and rule”. He used the military to attack his political opponent, on the other hand, he made use of each political crisis to split the military and therefore the military couldn’t constitute a political threat to the ruler of Russian polity.

Thesis (Master of Military Art and Science)--Command and General Staff College, Fort Leavenworth, 2008. / Title from title screen (viewed June 16, 2009). "ADA482989"-DTIC URL. Includes bibliographical references (p. 77-81).

Esta tese tem por objetivo analisar as práticas de desaparecimento das ditaduras civil-militares de segurança nacional argentina e brasileira como componentes das estratégias de implantação do terror desses regimes, como a questão dos desaparecidos foi tratada durante os governos transicionais e administrações civis posteriores ao período ditatorial e como a temática foi trabalhada a partir dos governos de Luiz Inácio Lula da Silva e Néstor Kirchner. Pretende-se, desta forma, estabelecer uma relação entre a forma como foram realizados os processos de transição política – em se tratando dos Direitos Humanos, mais especificamente, a garantia do direito à justiça e à verdade – e a elaboração de políticas de memória e reparação ou desmemória e esquecimento no presente. A partir dessa compreensão, têm-se indícios de que as rupturas, caracterizadas por uma condenação moral em relação ao passado ditatorial, são fundamentais para o desenvolvimento dessas políticas. Para o cumprimento deste objetivo, este estudo está dividido em três capítulos. No primeiro, apresenta-se uma análise da prática do desaparecimento, salientado as semelhanças existentes entre o caso argentino e brasileiro, resguardadas as diferenças em extensividade e intensidade. O segundo estuda os processos de transição política e o tratamento conferido à questão dos desaparecidos pelos governos transicionais e pelas administrações civis até o término da década de 1990. O terceiro e último capítulo analisa as políticas de memória e reparação e desmemória e esquecimento elaboradas a partir dos anos 2000, quando se efetivou uma mudança no marco interpretativo sobre o passado recente da região e se tornou possível a consecução dessas políticas. / This thesis aims to analyze the practice of disappearance of Argentine and Brazilian national security civil-military dictatorship as components of strategies for implementing terror. It also aims to approach how the transitional governments and subsequent civil administrations dealt with the disappeared and how this issue had been discussed from the governments of Luiz Inácio Lula da Silva and Néstor Kirchner. This approach aims to establish a relation between the ways the political transitions took place in these countries – regarding the Human Rights, more specifically, in guaranteeing the rights to justice and truth – and the development of memory and repair policies or oblivion flaring and forgetting policies in the present. Based on this comprehension, there are evidences that the disruptions, characterized by a moral conviction against the dictatorial past, are fundamental to the development of these policies. For the fulfillment of these objectives, this study is divided into three chapters. The first one presents an analysis of the practice of disappearance, stressing the similarities between the Argentine and Brazilian case, safeguarding the differences in extensiveness and intensity. The second one deals with the processes of political transition and the treatment given to the issue of disappearance by the transitional governments and the civil administrations until the end of the 1990’s. The third and final chapter analyzes the memory and repair policies or oblivion flaring and forgetting policies prepared since the year 2000, when there was a change in the interpretative framework about the region recent past and it became possible to achieve these policies.

Esta dissertação tem por objetivo central demonstrar, por meio da análise da discografia do compositor e intérprete chileno Víctor Jara, e, mais especificamente, de seu disco La Población, que a subjugação dos movimentos populares, já no imediato pós-golpe civilmilitar chileno de 11 de setembro de 1973, foi tão ou mais importante do que a dos canais propriamente políticos, explicitados na Unidad Popular e no governo de Salvador Allende. Decorrente deste problema geral, verificam-se os mecanismos de Terror de Estado adotados na primeira fase da ditadura chilena (11 de setembro a 31 de dezembro de 1973), apontando seus desdobramentos no marco legal e institucional e atentando para os efeitos de tais medidas na desestruturação dos movimentos populares de então. A partir disso é possível apreender o antagonismo existente entre a visão de mundo que se impôs no Chile a partir do golpe de Estado e a vida e obra deste artista, concluindo que sua execução no Estadio Chile insere-se nos mecanismos centrados no terror como “exemplo” aos setores que apoiavam ou se identificavam com o governo da Unidad Popular. / The aim of this work is to demonstrate, through analysis of the discography of the composer and singer Víctor Jara, Chile, particularly the disc La Población, that the subjugation of popular movements, since the immediate post-coup Chilean civil-military September 11, 1973, was equally or more important than the proper political channels as detailed in the Unidad Popular, and the government of Salvador Allende. Resulting from this general problem, there are the mechanisms of State Terror adopted in the first phase of the Chilean dictatorship (September 11 to December 31, 1973), pointing to its consequences on the legal and institutional framework and paying attention to the effects of such measures on disruption of people's movements. From this we can understand the antagonism between the world idea that prevailed in Chile after the coup and the life and work of Victor Jara, Suggesting that his execution at the Estadio Chile is part of the terror mechanisms as "an example" to the sectors that supported or identified with the government of the Unidad Popular.

O presente estudo analisa as formas como os familiares de pessoas mortas e desaparecidas durante a ditadura civil-militar no Brasil (1964-1985) se organizaram para reivindicar: 1º) o reconhecimento da responsabilidade do Estado brasileiro pelas violações aos direitos humanos praticadas em nome do regime autoritário; 2º) a apuração das reais circunstâncias em que estas mortes e desaparecimentos ocorreram; 3º) a responsabilização dos culpados; 4º) o resgate e a preservação da memória relativa a estes fatos. Fortalecida na primeira metade da década de 1970, a luta dos familiares organizados em torno da Comissão de Familiares de Mortos e Desaparecidos Políticos (CFMDP) estende-se até a atualidade. Canalizadas para os Comitês Brasileiros pela Anistia (CBA’s) que surgiram a partir de 1978, suas demandas foram, entretanto, praticamente desconsideradas no momento em que o Governo Federal aprovou a Lei da Anistia, em agosto de 1979. Com o fim da luta pela Anistia, e, por consequência, com a extinção dos CBA’s, os familiares rearticularam-se, centralizando seus esforços no fortalecimento da CFMDP. Em mais de três décadas de atividades, a CFMDP vem trabalhando de forma insistente junto à sociedade na tentativa de fazer com que os crimes cometidos no período autoritário não sejam esquecidos e buscando ampliar seu apoio com vistas à construção de políticas que atendam suas demandas. O trabalho desenvolvido pela CFMDP neste sentido obteve: a) o reconhecimento da responsabilidade do Estado brasileiro pelos crimes cometidos em nome do regime civil-militar; b) a concessão de indenizações aos familiares das vítimas fatais do aparato repressivo; c) um incremento no tocante à divulgação do tema junto à sociedade. Para aprofundar suas conquistas e formular novas políticas, que, mais efetivas, tratem do tema, a Comissão continua, no entanto, tendo que lidar com legados do autoritarismo que, tais como o bloqueio interpretativo que defende uma anistia recíproca e incentiva a impunidade e o esquecimento dos crimes cometidos pela ditadura, o rol das prerrogativas militares, a política nacional de sigilo ainda vigente e os resquícios culturais da Doutrina de Segurança Nacional, seguem limitando visivelmente a obtenção de avanços significativos no que se refere à reparação dos familiares. / This study examines the ways in which relatives of people killed or disappeared during the civil-military dictatorship in Brazil (1964-1985) were organized to demand: 1) recognition of liability by the Brazilian state for violations of human rights committed in the name of the authoritarian regime; 2) the investigation of actual circumstances of these deaths and disappearances occurred; 3) liability of perpetrators; 4) the rescue and preservation of the memory on these facts. Strengthened in the first half of the 1970s, the struggle of families organized around the Commission of the Families of the Dead and Disappeared Political Activists (CFDDPA) extends until present. Channeled to the Brazilian Committees for Amnesty (BCA’s) that have emerged since 1978, their demands were, however, virtually ignored at the time the Federal Government approved the Amnesty Law in August 1979. With the end of the fight for amnesty, and, consequently, with the extinction of the BCA’s, the families reorganized themselves, centering its efforts on strengthening the CFDDPA. In more than three decades of activity, CFDDPA has been working persistently to the society in an attempt to make the crimes committed during authoritarian period are not forgotten and seeking to extend their support towards the construction of policies that meet their demands. The work developed by CFDDPA in this direction has obtained: a) the recognition of the liability of the Brazilian state for crimes committed on behalf of civil-military regime, b) the granting of compensation to the families of the victims of the repressive apparatus, c) an increase in respect of the disclosure of the issue to the society. To deepen their achievements and formulate new policies, more effectives to address the issue, the Commission continues, however, having to deal with legacies of authoritarian regimes, such as the interpretative blocking that defends a mutual amnesty and incentives the impunity and forgetfulness for crimes committed by the dictatorship, the role of military prerogatives, the secrecy national policy still in force and the remnants of the cultural National Security Doctrine, still follow limiting the obtaining of significant advances with regard to compensation to the families.

Submitted by ALESSANDRO LIBERATORI (liberatori93@gmail.com) on 2014-06-09T14:48:33Z No. of bitstreams: 1 Dissertacao_Liberatori_08jun14_FINAL.pdf: 1020403 bytes, checksum: f1fc367db68d9efa99aa5310e136d736 (MD5) / Approved for entry into archive by ÁUREA CORRÊA DA FONSECA CORRÊA DA FONSECA (aurea.fonseca@fgv.br) on 2014-06-11T13:20:14Z (GMT) No. of bitstreams: 1 Dissertacao_Liberatori_08jun14_FINAL.pdf: 1020403 bytes, checksum: f1fc367db68d9efa99aa5310e136d736 (MD5) / Approved for entry into archive by Marcia Bacha (marcia.bacha@fgv.br) on 2014-06-13T18:07:19Z (GMT) No. of bitstreams: 1 Dissertacao_Liberatori_08jun14_FINAL.pdf: 1020403 bytes, checksum: f1fc367db68d9efa99aa5310e136d736 (MD5) / Made available in DSpace on 2014-06-13T18:07:32Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 1 Dissertacao_Liberatori_08jun14_FINAL.pdf: 1020403 bytes, checksum: f1fc367db68d9efa99aa5310e136d736 (MD5) Previous issue date: 2014-05-29 / In recent years, great progress has been made in the study of civil-military relations and its consequences for the development of defense policies of nations. In this context, this study discussed the evolution of civil-military relations and the defense policy of Argentina in the democratic governments in the period 1983-2013. It demonstrated the strong influence exerted by the civilian control over the military in the preparation and implementation of the Argentine defense policy, which may have resulted in considerable loss of effectiveness of the country's military instrument. This study also verified the positive and negative aspects of the defense policies planned and implemented by the successive governments of the period. Finally, the use of the modern concepts of effectiveness and efficiency was proven necessary in order to improve the quality of the defense policy of the Argentine State. / Nos últimos anos foi grande a evolução do estudo das relações civis-militares e seus reflexos para a elaboração das políticas de defesa das nações. Neste contexto, o presente estudo discutiu a evolução das relações civis-militares e da política de defesa da Argentina nos governos democráticos do período de 1983 a 2013. Foi demonstrada a forte influência exercida pelo controle civil sobre os militares na elaboração e na implementação da política de defesa argentina fato que pode ter redundado na perda considerável de efetividade do instrumento militar do país. Foram verificados também, os aspectos positivos e negativos das políticas de defesa planejadas e implementadas pelos sucessivos governos do período. Por último, observou-se a necessidade da utilização dos modernos conceitos de efetividade e de eficiência com o objetivo de melhorar a qualidade da política de defesa do Estado Argentino.

Submitted by Karina Rodrigues (karinafrodrigues@gmail.com) on 2017-08-24T15:29:07Z No. of bitstreams: 1 Karina Rodrigues - Dissertation.pdf: 2879687 bytes, checksum: 26c60aad6faa17f2fdde611c63e557f1 (MD5) / Approved for entry into archive by ÁUREA CORRÊA DA FONSECA CORRÊA DA FONSECA (aurea.fonseca@fgv.br) on 2017-09-12T18:51:50Z (GMT) No. of bitstreams: 1 Karina Rodrigues - Dissertation.pdf: 2879687 bytes, checksum: 26c60aad6faa17f2fdde611c63e557f1 (MD5) / Made available in DSpace on 2017-09-26T19:00:11Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 1 Karina Rodrigues - Dissertation.pdf: 2879687 bytes, checksum: 26c60aad6faa17f2fdde611c63e557f1 (MD5) Previous issue date: 2017-06-30 / What were the conditions that generated change in the civilian access to military records in Brazil and Mexico? Through these case studies, this dissertation explores in depth how these changes occurred and what were the strategies used by change-agents to promote or refute change. The study presents a discussion about the concept of transparency and how it can be properly applied to restricted documents of the armed forces, using the literature on concept formation. In addition, the theory of Gradual Institutional Changes and process tracing methods in order to undertake the historical analyzes of both cases. In both case studies, I concomitantly analyze the course of civil-military relations and transparency reforms in the XX Century and the beginning of the XXI Century. The study concludes that the changes in Brazil followed a layering pattern predominantly, with a long period of gradual reforms from 1988 to 2011. Mexico in turn presented the same mode of institutional change, nevertheless, political hegemony and the cooptation model of civil-military relations of the country leaded it to less, but more drastic changes. Both countries present many challenges to transparency in defense, which is addressed in the final conclusions. / Quais foram as condições políticas que desencadearam mudanças no acesso de civis a documentos e arquivos militares no Brasil e no México? Através destes estudos de caso, este estudo se propõe explorar com profundidade como estas mudanças ocorreram e quais foram as estratégias utilizadas pelos atores para promover mudança ou preservar o status quo. A tese apresenta discussão sobre o conceito de transparência e como pode ser aplicado às forças armadas, utilizando-se de literatura focada na formação de conceitos. Além disto, utilizou-se da teoria de Mudanças Institucionais Graduais e o método do process tracing para análise histórica dos casos do Brasil e México. Em ambos os estudos de caso, analisou-se a trajetória das relações civis-militares conjuntamente às reformas em transparência durante todo o século XX e início do século XXI. O estudo concluiu que as mudanças no Brasil foram predominantemente no formato de camadas (layering), com um longo percurso de reformas graduais desde 1988 até a aprovação da Lei de Acesso à Informação em 2011. Já no México, o tipo de mudança predominante também foi no formato de camadas, contudo, a hegemonia política e o modelo de cooptação das forças armadas pelos governos levaram o país a ter menos mudanças, porém mais profundas. Ambos países enfrentam muitos desafios à transparência em defesa, o que é explorado nas conclusões finais. / ¿Cuáles fueron las condiciones políticas que desencadenaron cambios en el acceso de civiles a documentos y archivos militares en Brasil y México? A través de estos estudios de caso, este estudio se propone explorar con profundidad cómo estos cambios ocurrieron y cuáles fueron las estrategias utilizadas por los actores para promover cambios o preservar el status quo. La tesis presenta una discusión sobre el concepto de transparencia y cómo puede ser aplicado a las fuerzas armadas, utilizando la literatura enfocada en la formación de conceptos. Además, se utilizó la teoría de cambios institucionales graduales y el método del process tracing para el análisis histórico de los casos de Brasil y México. En ambos estudios de caso, se analizó la trayectoria de las relaciones cívico-militares conjuntamente con las reformas en transparencia durante todo el siglo XX e inicio del siglo XXI. El estudio concluyó que los cambios en Brasil fueron predominantemente en el formato de capas, con un largo recorrido de reformas graduales desde 1988 hasta la aprobación de la Ley de Acceso a la Información en 2011. Ya en México, el tipo de cambio predominante también fue en el formato de capas, sin embargo, la hegemonía política y el modelo de cooptación de las fuerzas armadas por los gobiernos llevaron al país a tener menos cambios, pero más profundos. Ambos países enfrentan muchos desafíos a la transparencia en defensa, lo que se explora en las conclusiones finales.