This thesis is based on a longitudinal study of servicemen and their families, as they experience transition from careers in the Royal Navy to civilian life. The analysis is based on data derived from three sets of focused interviews with twenty couples, conducted in Plymouth over a period between November 1995 and October 1998, and the findings of a questionnaire survey of just over two-hundred leavers. It develops a theoretically distinctive approach, drawing on the literature of organisations, discourses and identity, in order to understand servicemen's relationships with naval careers, and the implications for adaptation to civilian life on leaving. The research examines the meanings that men attach to naval careers and organisations, and their symbolic significance for their experiences of both service and civilian life. The analysis addresses the effects of careers on identity, decision-making, personal relationships and friendship networks, families, domestic divisions of labour, career interplay, parenting and resettlement. Whilst general patterns of success or failure in resettlement have been the main focus of past interest, this thesis uncovers the differential experiences of leavers in all their complexity. The study identifies a relationship between quantitatively and qualitatively different levels of naval involvement and the personal and familial experiences of career change and resettlement. The main findings of the work relate to wider issues of organisations, cultures and discourses, and are relevant to current debates about the future of military cultures, as well as the more specific issues surrounding resettlement.

At the beginning of the twenty-first century Germany geopolitics can be characterized by its grand strategy as a civilian power. Germany has come to depend on a civilianized international system based on multilateralism, international institutions and the rule of law, supranational integration, free trade, and the restriction of the use of force as a means for international politics. Such a system requires the players in it to be peaceful and civilian, developed and cooperative, legitimate and law-abiding. Many African countries do not fulfill those conditions. Extremely high prevalence rates of HIV/AIDS in Africa severely undermine social structure, economic development and political stability and thus contribute to state failure. State failure is in fundamental conflict with Germany's prime geopolitical interest in promoting a civilianized international system, because a failing state is incapable of creating civilianized structures. After analyzing Germany's foreign and development policies since World War II, I came to the conclusion that all German foreign policies aim at promoting a civilianized international system. I am arguing that development policies are part of broader foreign policies and thus pursue this goal with respect to developing countries. However, for the system itself it is much more important that the big players in the world are included and committed to it. Therefore, German foreign policy focuses on the major powers in the world and, just as developing countries play a minor role in international politics, development policies play a minor role in Germany's grand strategy as a civilian power. German grand strategy, however, plays a major role in the design and the conduct of German development policies, policies used as tools to pursue Germany's broader geopolitical interest in promoting a civilianized international system.

Abstract The role of military instructor was quite important in the military teaching, student counseling, the safty of a campus. Because of educational revolution and the whole people's national defence education, military instructor has been faced heavy attack. The purpose of this study are to find the relationship between recognition of changing in civilian post, organizational loyalty & job involvement¡VAn example of south military instructor in senior high school. This research uses Factor analysis, T-test, ANOVA, Pearson correlation analysis and hierarchical multiple regression to study the relations of variance. 600 questionnaires were released. 241 are available. The results of this research result from the statistical analysis of three variables. They are recognition of changing in civilian post, organizational loyalty & job involvement. According to the analysis of the research data, we can get the findings of the study as follows¡G 1.¡§Benefit recognition¡¨and¡§adaptation recognition¡¨of recognition of changing in civilian post have positive influence to organizational loyalty. 2.¡§Internalization obligation,¡¨¡§identification to dedication,¡¨¡§initiative,¡¨and¡§ organizational compliance,¡¨of organizational loyalty have positive influence to job involvement. 3.¡§Benefit recognition¡¨and¡§adaptation recognition¡¨of recognition of changing in civilian post have positive influence to job involvement. 4.¡§Benefit recognition¡¨and¡§adaptation recognition¡¨of recognition of changing in civilian post indirect positive influence over job involvementthrough organizational loyalty as the intermediary variable. It is hoped that this results will provide useful information to the policy and decision makers as well as education administrations on how to manage and improve the quality of a military instructor's service on a campus.

The aim of this thesis is to explain the typology of civilian control in Taiwan during Chen Shui-bian era and to explain the correlation between that particular type of civilian control and the perception of China threat among civilian groups. The establishment of civilian control in most cases is seen as either a result or a consequence of democratization process or the transformation from authoritarian to democratic society. The assessment on the case of Taiwan is no different. In this logic of thinking, the establishment of a democratic or objective civilian control is considered as the main goal. An objective civilian control, according to Huntington, has several prerequisites such as military disengagement from politics, full military submission to civilian authority, and, most importantly, the establishment of professional military. Critics to Huntington ideals usually revolve around the necessity to have a clear disengagement of the military from politics. Drawing from Huntington and his critics, I propose three indicators to categorize civilian control into objective and subjective. Those are the military autonomy, which is a direct result of the existence of a clear set of boundaries between military and civilian areas or roles, the existence or inexistence of intra-civilian rivalry, and the existence or inexistence of interpenetration. Using those indicators, my assessment on Taiwan during Chen Shui-bian era finds out that the military autonomy did exist with the adoption of the twin defense laws, the existence of an acute intra-civilian rivalry, and the existence of civilian penetration into military area. This civilian penetration itself was a result of an overt-concentration of roles into civilian hands, which leaving the military in a very limited role and powerless position, and the intra-civilian rivalry which drove both Chen’s government and pan-blue opposition to use military issues as bargaining chip to strengthen their political position. In conclusion, instead of having an objective civilian control, Taiwan under Chen Shui-bian was suffering from a subjective civilian control. To answer the question of why such an opposite result appeared, from what is supposed to be the result of the democratization process, I argue that the divergent of perception on China threat among civilian is among the factors that explain such a contradiction. Most assessment on the issue of civilian control in Taiwan is focusing on the identity politics as the explaining factor. In this thesis, I argue that the identity politics is necessary but not sufficient to explain the contradictory result. The divergent perception on China threat among civilian serves as the foundation to explain the political behavior of political parties in Taiwan. Due to this differing perception, political parties could not find a congruent understanding of external threat that makes any defense related issue became a political issue. / The aim of this thesis is to explain the typology of civilian control in Taiwan during Chen Shui-bian era and to explain the correlation between that particular type of civilian control and the perception of China threat among civilian groups. The establishment of civilian control in most cases is seen as either a result or a consequence of democratization process or the transformation from authoritarian to democratic society. The assessment on the case of Taiwan is no different. In this logic of thinking, the establishment of a democratic or objective civilian control is considered as the main goal. An objective civilian control, according to Huntington, has several prerequisites such as military disengagement from politics, full military submission to civilian authority, and, most importantly, the establishment of professional military. Critics to Huntington ideals usually revolve around the necessity to have a clear disengagement of the military from politics. Drawing from Huntington and his critics, I propose three indicators to categorize civilian control into objective and subjective. Those are the military autonomy, which is a direct result of the existence of a clear set of boundaries between military and civilian areas or roles, the existence or inexistence of intra-civilian rivalry, and the existence or inexistence of interpenetration. Using those indicators, my assessment on Taiwan during Chen Shui-bian era finds out that the military autonomy did exist with the adoption of the twin defense laws, the existence of an acute intra-civilian rivalry, and the existence of civilian penetration into military area. This civilian penetration itself was a result of an overt-concentration of roles into civilian hands, which leaving the military in a very limited role and powerless position, and the intra-civilian rivalry which drove both Chen’s government and pan-blue opposition to use military issues as bargaining chip to strengthen their political position. In conclusion, instead of having an objective civilian control, Taiwan under Chen Shui-bian was suffering from a subjective civilian control. To answer the question of why such an opposite result appeared, from what is supposed to be the result of the democratization process, I argue that the divergent of perception on China threat among civilian is among the factors that explain such a contradiction. Most assessment on the issue of civilian control in Taiwan is focusing on the identity politics as the explaining factor. In this thesis, I argue that the identity politics is necessary but not sufficient to explain the contradictory result. The divergent perception on China threat among civilian serves as the foundation to explain the political behavior of political parties in Taiwan. Due to this differing perception, political parties could not find a congruent understanding of external threat that makes any defense related issue became a political issue.

Thesis (M.S.)--Boston University / The writer's intent in making this study is to give the reader an understanding of the following areas: 1. The problems and adverse affects of an Air Force base closure upon the civilian community and civilian personnel involved. 2. The current programs, policies, techniques, and procedures, used by the Department of Defense and the Air Force, in helping communities affected by a base closure to adjust to the inherent economic problems. 3. The Federal government's and in particular the Air Force's social responsibility to the communities and civilian personnel affected by a closure action. The main contention brought out in this thesis is that the Air Force is not acting as socially responsible as it could toward communities affected by closure actions. However, greater social responsibility is possible through a better informed Air Force. Therefore, the offered solution points toward the Air Force Information Officer and his responsibility to promote the social responsibility concept.

Article 2(1) of the UN Charter states that “the organisation is based on the principle of the sovereign equality of all its Members.” It cannot be disputed that the international community as a whole supports the fact that a state’s right to sovereignty is considered to be its most sacred international law right, which also includes sovereignty over its air space. Without this right, a state cannot exist and the United Nations cannot function. The parameters are clear and entrenched in international law as to when and how a state may use force against intrusion by a foreign military aircraft of another state in order to protect its right to sovereignty over its air space. However, international uncertainty and much debate exist as to the nature of civilian aerial intrusions into the airspace of another state. From an objective perspective, it appears that international law provides for a clear legal framework in that force may not be used against a civilian aircraft intruder unless it is facing an armed attack and acting in self-defence as defined in the Charter of the United Nations. This statement could not be further from the truth and it seems that even in our current modern, technologically advanced society we live in today where we can put a man on the moon and operate our household appliances from our phones, we cannot reach consensus as to what constitutes an armed attack by civilian aircraft or when and how a state may use force when a civilian intrusion of its airspace occurs. Consider the following scenario: A civilian aircraft of state A takes off on a route which requires it to cross the sovereign air space of state B. State B does allow for this type of crossing, provided that the civilian aircraft keeps to its designated route and does not enter any unrestricted areas of state B which requires pre-authorisation before entering. The civilian aircraft enters the airspace of state B, however, for no apparent reason, it deters from its designated route and heads towards a restricted area of state B. Air Traffic Control (“ATC”) of state B calls upon the pilot to return to its designated route, however due to some form of malfunction error, no communication can be established or alternatively, communication is established, but the pilot confirms it is heading to state C and proceeds to travel on the unauthorised route. In the absence of knowing the aircraft’s intention and in fear for state B’s national security, state B immediately sends an interceptor jet in an attempt to intercept the aircraft, but to no avail can either ATC or the interceptor jet manage to establish contact with the aircraft. As a last resort, the interceptor jet attempts to force the aircraft to land at the closest runway but the aircraft refuses/fails to take any recognisance of this attempt and proceeds on the unauthorised route (hereinafter referred to as “the Scenario”). Even with the inception of Article 3bis (as further described in 2.3 below), which was adopted for this specific international issue, there are still a lack of agreement amongst the international community as to the parameters in which to operate when a state finds itself in a situation as set out in the Scenario. This issue forms the crux of this paper and the writer will attempt to, by applying various applicable international laws, including customary laws, establish a universal set of guidelines which states can apply when having to deal with situations similar to the Scenario. / Mini Dissertation (LLM)--University of Pretoria, 2019. / Public Law / LLM / Unrestricted

LLM / Department of Public Law / Since the birth of international criminal justice, the imposition of individual criminal responsibility has been expanded as evidenced by the instruments establishing the institutional mechanisms, at least, from Nuremberg to the Rome Statute of the International Criminal Court. The prescriptions of the imposition of criminal responsibility in international criminal law take cognizance of the fact that both top civilian and military personnel commit heinous crimes. However, until the establishment of the International Criminal Tribunal of Rwanda (ICTR), such prescriptions covering individuals who find themselves within informal civilian relationships had not earned much focus, be it at the identification of responsible individuals to their prosecution and conviction. Events in Rwanda during the 1994 genocide that led to the establishment of the ICTR revealed the involvement of this category of individuals. While their involvement took diverse forms, at different times, only some of them were identified and successfully prosecuted and convicted for the offences over which the ICTR has jurisdiction. This category of individuals (those falling under the rubric of informal civilian relationships) has not been addressed by scholarship on international crimes. This dissertation identifies such individuals, examines the allegations against them, the factual findings of the different Trial Chambers and develops a set of rules as well as lessons to be learnt from the trial and appellate proceedings

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This study was designed to explore the differences between locus of control (LOC) in children from civilian and military families and to investigate whether military deployment is associated with an external locus of control more than other family dynamics. The literature has focused on the negative implications of external LOC for children’s mental health and achievement as well as in childhood chronic illness, parental absence, and parental alcoholism. However, prior research regarding this construct related to children of military families is significantly lacking. In the present study, LOC was measured by the Nowicki-Strickland Locus of Control Scale for Children, a 40 question scale designed for individuals within the range of 3rd to 12th grade. The 54 participants in this study ranged in age from 7 to 17 and came from either a military family with a deployed parent, a civilian family with two caregivers in the home, or a divorced - separated civilian family. A univariate one-way ANOVA was conducted on the data. It was found that children of deployed military families did not score significantly different for mean locus of control than civilian separated/divorced families, or civilian intact families. A correlation comparing age and LOC scores found no significant relationship. Limitations of this study included a small sample size due to time restrictions, and subsequently reduced statistical power. Future investigations into LOC should continue to explore its relationship with children in military families, as future studies correcting for sampling may obtain significant results. Further research should also probe more deeply into the negative and positive consequences that external and internal attributional tendencies may have for children’s development, academic performance, and overall well-being.

Reacting to the Great Depression, Texans abandoned the philosophy of rugged individualism and turned to their state and federal governments for leadership. Texas's Governor Miriam Ferguson resultantly created the state's first relief agency, which administered all programs including those federally funded. Because the Roosevelt administration ordered state participation in and immediate implementation of the CCC, a multi-governmental, multi-departmental administrative alliance involving state and federal efforts resulted, which, because of scholars' preferences for research at the federal level, often is mistakenly described as a decentralized administration riddled with bureaucratic shortcomings. CCC operations within Texas, however, revealed that this complicated administrative structure embodied the reasons for the CCC's well-documented success.