"The purpose of this study will be to picture the three-fold aspect of the C.C.C. educational program. This will be done in five chapters. This, the first chapter, will describe the conditions leading up to the creation of the C.C.C. It will show how education became the prime motivation of the whole C.C.C. and it will show how the permanency of the C.C.C. depends on the type of education that is evolved. Then, chapters two, three and four will analyze the three phases of C.C.C. education. These chapters will be concerned with (1) leisure time activities, (2) vocational education, and (3) academic education. The final chapter will deal with the social and economic results of the three-fold educational program in the C.C.C. Through the entire study there will be a definite attempt to establish certain results and to evaluate them according to the gains that have been made in C.C.C. education since the beginning in 1933."-- leaves 1-2.

Miguel Alemán, who in 1946 became the first civilian president to represent Mexico's official revolutionary party, ushered into national office a new generation of university-educated professional politicians. Nicknamed the "cachorros (puppies) of the revolution," these leaders were dismissed as slick college boys by their opponents. Despite this objection, the rise to power of this new cadre represented a major turning point in the nation's political history. The prior ruling generation, composed of military officers who had faced calamitous violence during the Revolution, had carried out a decades-long social program that sought to address social-economic inequalities, redistribute resources, and draw previously marginalized groups into a politically, culturally, and ethnically unified nation. The members of the Alemán administration, by contrast, dedicated federal resources to promoting industrial development by implementing protectionist measures and constructing massive public works. Powerful hydroelectric dams and expansive irrigation networks supported large-scale commercial agriculture, while ambitious urban projects, including modernist housing complexes, planned suburbs, and the sprawling University City, symbolized the government's middle-class orientation. Despite these advances, their program came with high social costs: suspended redistributive policies and suppressed political liberties led many to accuse them of abandoning the legacy of social revolution they had inherited, an accusation bolstered by rampant corruption. While their policies fomented impressive economic growth over the next three decades, their focus on urban industry ultimately contributed to a debt crisis and a capital city overburdened by rapid inward migration. This controversial policy agenda and ambivalent legacy reflected their collective social formation. Their experiences as politically active students and as career politicians inculcated a sense of pragmatism that set them apart from their military predecessors. Once in office, Alemán and his colleagues exploited the geopolitical circumstances of the early Cold War period to solicit foreign loans as well as private investment, especially from the United States. These leaders fashioned a new image of the ruling Institutional Revolutionary Party (PRI). Carlos Denegri, a journalist during the Alemán years, captured the essence of this transformation best: "The Revolution," he lamented, "has gotten off its horse and into a Cadillac."

The following chapters concern the development of bands of musical wind instruments in Europe and America. These groups may be most conveniently divided into two main classes of bands, military and civilian. Military bands may be defined as those organizations directly under governmental or army rule. This large class of bands includes: brigade bands, regimental bands, post bands and service bands. Brigade bands in early English history comprised two or more regimental bands, each regiment maintaining several bands. These groups were also popular in colonial America. In turn, each regiment of the military (army) had units of companies including troops, batteries, or cavalries. The units were authorized to maintain bands in their respective companies; fife and drum bands were also included. Certain bands of these companies were stationed permanently at military headquarters; these are referred to as post bands. In this country an increase in the number of regular army bands (infantry, cavalry, and artillery) has been marked since the latter part of the nineteenth century. These army bands and those of other branches (navy, marine corps, air force, coast guard, etc.) are included under the general name of service bands. The second main class includes a large group of civilian bands. As the name implies, the organizations are composed of civilians and are independent of the military groups. This class includes: circus bands, fraternal bands, industrial bands, organized militia bands, professional bands, school bands, and town or independent bands. The militia bands were bodies of citizens enrolled as military forces for a period of instruction; they were not called into active service except in an emergency. These other civilian, groups perform for civic functions, ceremonies, etc. History shows that the civilian bands have imitated the military bands in instrumentation and repertoire. It is quite apparent that the original army or military band gave rise to the origin of the civilian type of band. Today it is quite common to refer to a civic group as a "military" band, the term actually meaning the size of instrumentation rather than the personnel. Other terms describing instrumentation are "concert" and "symphonic" which may apply to either of the two main classes of bands.

Thesis (M. Phil.)--University of Hong Kong, 1975. / Typescript.

Since the independence of Indonesia in 1945, Indonesia has experienced several changes during the last sixty years and is now moving towards democratization. Of these political changes, Indonesia's civil-military relationship has always played a key role. During the era of Cold War, Indonesia¡¦s military were fighting against colonial power and facing the ideological confrontation. As political changes are going on, the military is asked to get out of political system in Indonesia. During the war of Independence, Indonesia¡¦s military played a role to save the country, they fought against the Dutch under the belief of nationalism. Indonesia's parliamentary democracy in the 1950s caused political disorder. Sukarno¡¦s leftist ideology has also caused the military unrest. With both internal and external factors, military coup happened in September 1965, which result in the region of authoritarian rule of Suharto. During the Suharto era, Indonesia's military penetrated in political, economic and social areas in Indonesia. The military became the supreme power that controlled the country. Indonesia's economic growth was claimed to be as a source of legitimacy for Suharto¡¦s regime. Indonesia¡¦s economy was almost collapsed of the financial crisis in 1997. As Mr.Suharto is losing his ruling legitimacy in Indonesia, it¡¦s made Suharto step down in May 1998. Indonesia¡¦s military then began to change. Indonesia has experienced four presidential elections, and regarded as a democratic state. But, if Indonesia wants to achieve a true civilian control over the military still, further military professionalism has to be done.

<p>Participation in Nigerian elections is an interesting issue. This study is aimed at comparing the 1999 elections with 2003 elections. There is more participation in elections, organized by the Civilian government than that of the Military government. Nigerians feel freer and secure to participate in elections organized and conducted by the civilian government be-cause it is more democratic than the military government.</p><p>The part identification model, and a sociological approach were tested in relation to Nige-rian elections. The Sociological approach influences voter’s decision during elections. Democratic government in Nigeria has much to do for it to be consolidated. The issues of Political Rights and Civil Liberty have to be properly addressed</p>

Thesis (M. Phil.)--University of Hong Kong, 1975. / Typescript.

Police and Canadian citizens often clash during protests sometimes resulting in violent outcomes. Due to the nature of those altercations, there are few other events that require oversight more than the way police clash with protesters and there is a history of such oversight resulting in a number of Federal Parliamentary documents, Parliamentary Committee reports Task Force reports, reports arising from Public Interest Hearings of the Commission for Complaints Against the RCMP, and testimony at various hearings and inquiries which have produced particular argumentative discourses. Argumentative discourses that have a great effect on the construction of a civilian oversight agency of the RCMP is the focus of this thesis. This thesis examines how it is that different discourses, as represented by argumentative themes in these reports, intersect with one another in the process of creating a system of accountability for the RCMP. Through the lens of complaints that arise from protest and police clashes one may conclude that the current system of accountability does not adhere to a practice of protecting the most fundamental rights as prescribed by the Canadian Charter of Rights and Freedoms; nor would the currently proposed legislation contained within Bill C-38 alter the system in a substantial way to allow for such protections. The power dynamic between the Commissioner of the Force and the Commission for Complaints Against the RCMP favours the police force in the current and proposed system. In order for the current political landscape to become a climate favourable toward producing a system of RCMP accountability that truly protects the rights and freedoms prescribed in the Charter, a significant shift must occur in different organizations, agencies, and individuals who influence the creation of legislation and policy in this nation. This shift must be characterized by an increase in strengthening the commitment of the RCMP to protect the rights and freedoms as prescribed by the Charter rather than its current focus and interest in trying to stem the erosion of public trust and confidence in the Force. / Thesis (Master, Sociology) -- Queen's University, 2011-07-05 21:46:10.126

<p>In situations of armed violence and insecurity, how do civilians influence the political environment around them? In this dissertation, I present three different studies that broadly engage this question. In concert, the papers presented herein offer new insights on civilians' relationship to armed conflict through a focus on victimization, participation, attitudes on resistance, and the effects of civilian resistance on aggregate levels of violence. </p><p>The first study explores the effects of victimization on political participation. I argue that previous answers to this question have overlooked a key variable for predicting civilian behavior: individual level social context. As a step forward in connecting social support networks to behavioral outcomes, I present the kinship network as a novel measure that captures an individual's valuable and private social interactions. I find that survivors of criminal violence with strong ties to kinship networks are most likely to attend political meetings. By highlighting variation in behavior across victims, I challenge previous work which only examines differences in participation between victims and non-victims. </p><p>Motivated by the assumption that attitudes are a precursor to action, my second study examines civilian attitudes on the efficacy of resistance in regions of protracted violence. Using an original survey fielded in Mexico, I explore the conditions under which civilians are likely to view nonviolent or violent methods as useful tools for change. I first test whether several demographic factors--age, gender, income, knowledge about civil resistance, and media consumption--influence attitudes toward resistance. Moving beyond these variables, I then test whether perceptions about government responsibility affect these attitudes. Specifically, I argue that civilian attitudes towards resistance methods are informed by which political actor civilians view as responsible for their security problems. I find that the predicted probability of viewing nonviolent action as more effective than violent action increases by 20.8% for those who attribute security responsibility to local authorities, compared to other actors. Using an embedded survey experiment, I then address the empirically relevant question of whether these attitudes about resistance correlate with action. I find that compared to those who do not view resistance as useful, respondents who view nonviolence as effective are "supportive types'' who are more willing than others to support local resistance groups, regardless of the methods these groups employ. Together, these analyses provide important information for civilian organizers seeking to mobilize latent support for resistance. Moreover, they enrich our understanding of the ways in which communities can reduce violence in order to reclaim political control during armed conflicts.</p><p>Last, I present an aggregated analysis on the evolution of armed conflict in Mexico. The criminal war in Mexico is extremely complex: Drug Trafficking Organizations, citizens, government agents, amongst others, are all relevant actors within the dynamic evolution of the conflict. Existing research, however, typically ignores the interdependencies inherent to these networks. Using a new collection of machine-coded event data, I generate conflict networks for each year from 2004 to 2010. In doing so, I make three major contributions. First, I offer insights into the potential promise and pitfalls of using machine-coded data for country-level analysis. Next, after cleaning and improving upon the original data, I generate yearly networks, which capture a wide range of violent-related actors. Importantly, I demonstrate how these networks illustrate the interdependent nature of the Mexican conflict and present new insights, such as how government coordination changes in response to cartel violence over time. Finally, I use a latent space approach to identify previously unobservable violence between government actors, criminal groups, and civilians. This research design serves as a platform for future research to investigate the effects of major civilian-led events--such as mass protests--on the evolution of armed conflict.</p> / Dissertation

The military conflicts of the early 21st century have seen the introduction and rise of a new military technology: the armed drone. With the United States acting as the driving force behind this technological advancement, the U.S Air Force and intelligence agency CIA have madedrones their weapon of choice for pursuing suspected terrorists and insurgents in various remotelocations. American military leaders and policy makers assert that the armed drone’s high levelof accuracy make it the best available weapons platform for this task. However, new researchshows that the use of drones may result in more civilian casualties than previously thought, andmay in fact be more fallible than conventional aircraft in this respect. This paper examines this discrepancy between rhetoric and practice, and attempts to find potential causes for this in the development and early use of the first armed drone, the MQ-1 Predator. The paper cites statements from President Barack Obama and CIA director John Brennan and contrasts them with a recent research report on drone-caused civilian casualties, as well as examples of drone strikes where the wrong targets were struck. The analysis of the development and early use of the Predator Drone draws comparisons to Donald Mackenzie’s account of the development of accuracy for cold-war-era intercontinental ballistic missiles, applying the science and technology-concepts he uses to the case of the armed drone. The paper concludes with the argument that the accuracy of the early armed drones is fundamentally misunderstood or overestimated by U.S leaders, and that there are circumstances in the development-history of the system that may have contributed to this inconsistency.