Submitted by Maria Angélica Chagas Paraizo null (angelica.paraizo@yahoo.com.br) on 2017-03-01T21:39:35Z No. of bitstreams: 1 Dissertação de Mestrado - Maria Angélica Chagas Paraizo.pdf: 1079406 bytes, checksum: 765d295f8d2a52b8b4befdd5fc57fddc (MD5) / Approved for entry into archive by Juliano Benedito Ferreira (julianoferreira@reitoria.unesp.br) on 2017-03-07T16:48:56Z (GMT) No. of bitstreams: 1 paraizo_mac_me_mar.pdf: 1079406 bytes, checksum: 765d295f8d2a52b8b4befdd5fc57fddc (MD5) / Made available in DSpace on 2017-03-07T16:48:56Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 1 paraizo_mac_me_mar.pdf: 1079406 bytes, checksum: 765d295f8d2a52b8b4befdd5fc57fddc (MD5) Previous issue date: 2017-02-07 / Coordenação de Aperfeiçoamento de Pessoal de Nível Superior (CAPES) / Esta dissertação tem como objeto de análise diferentes interpretações a respeito das políticas implementadas pelo governo Lula para as classes dominantes e para as classes dominadas. Seu objetivo consiste em realizar uma leitura crítica da bibliografia apresentada a fim de examinar como o atendimento de interesses seletivos das classes trabalhadoras foi funcional para o projeto de desenvolvimento deste governo, sendo estes interesses limitados à manutenção dos interesses fundamentais das classes burguesas. Deste modo, procuramos refletir sobre a ocorrência de algumas alterações sociais e econômicas durante o referido governo, entretanto, circunscritas às determinações do modelo neoliberal periférico. Com base no debate contido na bibliografia apresentada nesta pesquisa e na teoria de Estado de Nicos Poulantzas, buscamos, assim, expor as particularidades do cumprimento da função geral do Estado capitalista pelo governo Lula. Intentamos, ainda, demonstrar como as classes populares tornaram-se apoio do projeto neodesenvolvimentista que estava em curso por intermédio de uma ilusão ideológica com fundamentos materiais, resultando em uma relação do tipo populista destes setores sociais com o governo.

Submitted by admin tede (tede@pucgoias.edu.br) on 2016-09-05T13:17:06Z No. of bitstreams: 1 THIAGO DE OLIVEIRA ROCHA.pdf: 874826 bytes, checksum: a6977953c6b44feb78cab2c6db92eba6 (MD5) / Made available in DSpace on 2016-09-05T13:17:06Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 1 THIAGO DE OLIVEIRA ROCHA.pdf: 874826 bytes, checksum: a6977953c6b44feb78cab2c6db92eba6 (MD5) Previous issue date: 2015-08-31 / The dissertation talks about the necessity of doing a reflection about the criminal enforcement out of merely dogmatic delimitations, in other words, there is a necessity of doing analysis of the criminal enforcement and its relation with the capitalism, essencially how the production’s relations influence to make decisions in a criminal system enforcement. Such connection has been estudied firmely based on Critical Criminology and developed in three chapters. On Chapter I, there is a demonstration of the punishment by a historical view with theirs transformation’s results. On Chapter II, there is an approach about the historical materialism in the same way of the critical view by Kichheimer and Rusche that examine the prision system related to class conflict and its relation with the capitalist system.At last, the chapter III shows a criticism about the jail as a way to make the prisioner to be reintegrated to the capitalism by the relations between the punitive system and the capitalism system based on Michel Foucault, Melossi and Pavarini reference works. increments / A dissertação versa sobre a necessidade de se refletir a execução penal fora de contornos puramente dogmáticos, ou seja, requer a análise da execução penal e sua relação com o capitalismo, essencialmente sobre como as relações de produção influenciam na tomada de decisões em um sistema de execução penal. Tal relação é explorada com base na Criminologia Crítica e desenvolvida em três capítulos. No capítulo I, há a demonstração da pena sob uma perspectiva histórica com as suas consequentes transformações. No capítulo II, existe a abordagem sobre o materialismo histórico nos termos da abordagem crítica inaugurada em Kichheimer e Rusche que analisam o sistema carcerário no contexto da luta de classes e sua consequente relação com o sistema capitalista. Por último, o capítulo III apresenta uma crítica ao cárcere como meio socialização do preso para o capitalismo por meio das relações entre o sistema punitivo e o sistema capitalista fundamentadas nas obras de Michel Foucault e Melossi e Pavarini.

Submitted by Sandra Pereira (srpereira@ufrrj.br) on 2016-10-14T11:18:23Z No. of bitstreams: 1 2016 - Janaina Tude Sev?.pdf: 5629678 bytes, checksum: bfe4b951f0e6e08d13264d60c5f6cf64 (MD5) / Made available in DSpace on 2016-10-14T11:18:23Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 1 2016 - Janaina Tude Sev?.pdf: 5629678 bytes, checksum: bfe4b951f0e6e08d13264d60c5f6cf64 (MD5) Previous issue date: 2016-06-10 / Conselho Nacional de Desenvolvimento Cient?fico e Tecnol?gico - CNPq / This doctoral thesis deals with the ruling classes, private ownership of land and the nature and political representation in Brazil Republican. Situated in the field of study of the agrarian question, focuses on the role of agrarian elites in the drafting and revision of legal texts on environmental preservation and ownership of natural resources, pointing to the processes and relationships that permeates and dialectically structured the State . It assumes that private property is one of the structural elements of inequality between classes and, consequently, is instituted and instituting policies representations that make up the state in general, and especially Brazil. Addressing the process of formation of laws, while playing field, aims to understand the power relations between classes as has been legitimized in the Brazilian agrarian reality. For such analyzes the action of Agriculture of the Parliamentary Front (APF), also known as caucus, in the face of environmental and land legislation. More specifically rescues the Brazilian Forest Code (Decree n. 23,793 / 34 /, Law no. 4,771 / 65 and Law no. 12,651 / 12), with an emphasis on recent process 1965 Code reform, to identify as political representation ruralistas of interests is organized, clear and positions in political institutional process. This study identifies that, despite the economic dominance and privileged status in the social hierarchy represented by the power of large farmers in our society, rural employers classes and agroindustrial not give up take and act on institutional policy, be present in the democratic and interfere with its rules. Acting in state spheres and with civil society producing consensus and weaving alliances are complementary actions and integrate the building strategies of its hegemony. Thus the research has focused on the narratives and discourses of legislative documents relating to the Forest Code, the parliamentary speeches in the course of the Brazilian Forest Code reform bill of 1965 in the House of Representatives, as well as in street mobilizations - hearts and minds - promoted by the caucus in partnership with trade unions and non-unions of rural employer representation. It was possible that, through legal reform, the ruling classes in the field is expanding and diversifying its spaces, forms and political action strategies to legitimize their structural interests as the owner class that is the absolute right of private property and the monopoly on their instruments of economic, environmental and social regulation. / Esta tese de doutorado versa sobre as classes dominantes, a propriedade privada sobre a terra e a natureza e a representa??o pol?tica no Brasil republicano. Situada no campo de estudos da quest?o agr?ria, foca a atua??o das elites agr?rias no processo de elabora??o e revis?o dos textos legais sobre a preserva??o ambiental e a apropria??o dos recursos naturais, apontando para os processos e rela??es que permeia e, dialeticamente, estruturam o Estado. Parte do pressuposto que a propriedade privada ? um dos elementos estruturantes da desigualdade entre as classes e que, consequentemente, ? institu?da e instituinte das representa??es pol?ticas que comp?em o Estado em geral, e o brasileiro especialmente. Ao abordar o processo de forma??o das leis, enquanto campo de disputa, visa compreender as rela??es de poder entre as classes tal como vem sendo legitimadas na realidade agr?ria brasileira. Para tal analisa a a??o da Frente Parlamentar da Agropecu?ria (FPA), tamb?m conhecida como bancada ruralista, frente ?s legisla??es ambiental e agr?ria. Mais especificamente resgata os C?digos Florestais brasileiros (Dec. n. 23.793/34/, Lei n. 4.771/65 e Lei n. 12.651/12), com ?nfase no processo recente de reforma do C?digo de 1965, visando identificar como a representa??o pol?tica dos interesses ruralistas se organiza, manifesta e posiciona no processo pol?tico institucional. O presente estudo identifica que, a despeito da domina??o econ?mica e do status privilegiado na hierarquia social representadas pelo poder dos ruralistas em nossa sociedade, as classes patronais rurais e agroindustriais n?o abrem m?o de ocupar e atuar na pol?tica institucional, se fazer presente no jogo democr?tico e interferir em suas regras. Atuar nas esferas estatais e junto ? sociedade civil produzindo consensos e tecendo alian?as s?o a??es complementares e integram as estrat?gias de constru??o de sua hegemonia. Deste modo a pesquisa se debru?ou sobre as narrativas e discursos dos documentos legislativos relativos aos C?digos Florestais, dos discursos parlamentares durante a tramita??o do projeto de reforma do C?digo Florestal Brasileiro de 1965 na C?mara dos Deputados, bem como nas mobiliza??es de rua ? cora??es e mentes ? promovidas pela bancada ruralista em parceria com organiza??es sindicais e n?o sindicais de representa??o patronal rural. Foi poss?vel identificar que, atrav?s da reforma legal, as classes dominantes no campo vem ampliando e diversificando seus espa?os, formas e estrat?gias de a??o pol?tica, para legitimar um de seus interesses estruturantes enquanto classe propriet?ria que ? o direito absoluto da propriedade privada e o monop?lio sobre seus instrumentos de regula??o econ?mica, ambiental e social.

Submitted by Renata Lopes (renatasil82@gmail.com) on 2016-09-28T13:31:09Z No. of bitstreams: 1 maiarabatista.pdf: 893458 bytes, checksum: c85cc4896f4cef4c19c8a9d21ab80d3a (MD5) / Approved for entry into archive by Diamantino Mayra (mayra.diamantino@ufjf.edu.br) on 2016-09-28T15:47:00Z (GMT) No. of bitstreams: 1 maiarabatista.pdf: 893458 bytes, checksum: c85cc4896f4cef4c19c8a9d21ab80d3a (MD5) / Made available in DSpace on 2016-09-28T15:47:00Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 1 maiarabatista.pdf: 893458 bytes, checksum: c85cc4896f4cef4c19c8a9d21ab80d3a (MD5) Previous issue date: 2016-08-08 / CNPq - Conselho Nacional de Desenvolvimento Científico e Tecnológico / As classes dominantes atuantes no campo tem priorizado a educação, enquanto elemento de sociabilidade, para camuflar a lógica de espoliação do agronegócio e criar legitimidade acerca da sociabilidade burguesa. Nesta realidade, o Sistema Nacional de Aprendizagem Rural, vinculado a entidade patronal Confederação Nacional de Agricultura e Pecuária, busca, desde sua fundação em 1991, ser uma referência na aprendizagem rural, de modo a constituir-se como a genuína “Escola da Terra”. Sob esta perspectiva, em 2012, o Senar passa a oferecer a modalidade destinada aos povos do campo do Programa Nacional de Acesso ao Ensino Técnico e Emprego. Tal oferta foi possível devido às parcerias público-privadas que, no Brasil, consolidaram-se nos anos 1990, com a adoção das políticas neoliberais. A partir das especificidades do campo, cabe questionar como se organiza a Educação Profissional e quais os estudos existentes sobre essa modalidade de educação? Quais os objetivos de entidades ligadas a aparelhos “privados” de hegemonia da classe dominante ao ofertar ações voltadas a Educação Profissional no campo? Baseados nestes questionamentos, esse estudo pretende compreender, mediante pesquisa bibliográfica e documental, a intencionalidade da burguesia em fomentar projetos educativos no campo, utilizando-se como exemplo as iniciativas educacionais do Senar. / The ruling classes engaged in the Brazilian countryside have prioritized the use of education as sociability element to camouflage the logic of plundering agribusiness and to legitimate the bourgeois sociability. In this reality, the Brazil’s National Rural Learning Service (SENAR), which operates under the guidelines of the Brazilian Confederation of Agriculture and Livestock (CNA), has sought since its foundation in 1991 to be a reference in the rural training to establish itself as the genuine Escola da Terra or “School of the Land”. From this perspective, in 2012, SENAR started to offer a new educational component of its National Program for Access to Technical Training and Employment (PRONATEC) aimed at rural people. Such offer was only made possible through partnerships between the private and public sector which have been consolidating in Brazil since the adoption of neoliberal policies in the 1990s. Considering the distinct characteristics of the rural sector, one should investigate how Professional Education is structured in Brazil and which are the past studies and research developed around this this educational modality. What are the objectives of entities connected to private apparatuses of hegemony of the ruling class in proposing Rural educational initiatives? Based on these questionings, this study intends to comprehend the intentions behind the bourgeois’ investments in the rural educational projects by using SENAR educational initiatives as an example through the document and bibliographical review of previous studies in the field.

Submitted by BKAB Setor Proc. Técnicos FGV-SP (biblioteca.sp.cat@fgv.br) on 2013-04-04T18:30:33Z No. of bitstreams: 1 1198501712.pdf: 7094558 bytes, checksum: 3371dc49114a63a3250d697c29ec2927 (MD5) / Essa dissertação tem por objetivo principal analisa a intervenção do Estado, nas suas diferentes esferas de governo, no setor dos Transportes Coletivos Urbanos, na Região Metropolitana de São Paulo,no período 1968 a 1982, à luz da abordagem histórico-estrutural. Trata-se de um estudo descritivo com hipóteses, servindo-se do método dialético-materialista-histórico, focalizando, principalmente, as atuações da Companhia Municipal de Transportes Coletivos (CMTC), da Companhia de Transporte Metropolitano de são Paulo (METRÔ), da Ferrovia Paulista S/A (FEPASA), da Rede Ferroviária Federal S/A (RFFSA), da Empresa Metropolitana de Transportes Urbanos S/A (EMTU) e da Empresa de Planejamento da Grande São Paulo S/A (EMPLASA). O esutdo procura explicitar as relações existentes entre os aspectos específicos da questão dos transportes urbanos e o cenário político brasileiro da época, mostrando que a compreensão do problema só pode ser atingida mediante das interações referidas.

En parcourant l’histoire de la société iranienne tout au long de XXe siècle, on ne peut qu’être frappé par les transformations sociales, démographiques, politiques et économiques, brutaux et rapides. Partant de ce constat, cette thèse s’efforce de reconstruire la pluralité des formes culturelles légitimes résultant d’un état de crise et d’instabilité durable et structurelle (transformations structurelles dans les institutions socialisatrices, déclassements et reclassements multiples, absencede stabilisation ou d’imposition d’une culture légitime).L’analyse part d’une approche macrosociologique fondée, d’une part sur l’histoire des mutations rapides de la société iranienne pour retracer leurs impacts sur la stratification sociale, notamment la composition des classes dominantes de la société, et d’autre part sur un corpus de données statistiques à l’échelle nationale pour dessiner le schéma de l’espace social iranien où se positionnent différents groupes sociaux caractérisés par leurs capitaux économiques et scolaires, ainsi que par leurs goûts et pratiques culturelles ou leurs orientations religieuses et politiques. En seconde partie, cette thèse s’appuie sur une vingtaine d’entretiens avec des personnes appartenant aux classes dominantes, pour reconstruire leur trajectoire de vie, montrer leurs processus de socialisation au cours d’une histoire faite de ruptures, et mettre en lumière les conditions sociales de construction d’une pluralité des formes culturelles légitimes en Iran. / By looking through the history of Iranian society throughout the twentieth century, we are struck by the brutal and rapid social, demographic, political and economic transformations. Based on this observation, this thesis attempts to reconstruct the plurality of legitimate cultural forms resulting from a state of crisis along with a lasting and structural instability (structural changes in socializing institutions, multiple downgrades and reclassifications of social positions, lack of stabilization orimposition of a legitimate culture).The analysis is founded on a macro-sociological approach, on one hand, based on the history of rapid mutations in Iranian society in order to trace their impact on social stratification, notably the composition of the dominant classes of society, and on the other, grounded on a corpus of statistical data at the national level in order to draw the schema of the Iranian social space where are positioned the different social groups characterized by their economic and educational capital, as well as by their cultural tastes and practices or their religious and political orientations. In the second part, this thesis is based on over twenty interviews with persons who belong to the dominant classes in order to reconstruct their life trajectory, to show their socialization processes during a history of breaks, and to highlight the social conditions of building a plurality of legitimate cultural forms in Iran.

L’étude des élèves en situation scolaire difficile dans les classes dominantes nous permet un autre éclairage quant à la construction de l’idée d’échec. Les enfants issus de milieux très favorisés bénéficient d’un cumul de capitaux leur assurant théoriquement la reproduction de leur posture et de leur niveau social. Cependant on observe au sein même de ces classes des situations d’échec non négligeables. À travers une recherche ethnographique dans des établissements scolaires privés sous contrat très favorisés de Bordeaux et d’une immersion ethnographique dans les classes dominantes, ce travail décrit les modes de construction sociale de l’idée même d’échec dans ces classes ainsi que des formes de rattrapage des « repris de justesse ».La thèse montre à quel point les établissements scolaires d’excellence créent eux-mêmes de l’échec dans ces classes sociales. L’étude des normes d’excellence et des distances à celles-ci, montre à quel point une culture d’établissement trop forte et tournée exclusivement vers les codes des classes favorisées est créatrice d’échec pour les plus éloignés de ces normes et des règles théoriquement inhérentes aux classes supérieures. L’étude montre également comment par la quotidienneté, des établissements se mettent au service d’une classe entière afin de récupérer ces « repris de justesse » et leur assurer la perpétuation attendue. Loin d’une attitude rationnelle de rupture volontaire avec les codes de leur classe, ces élèves en situation d’échec sont les produits des structures même des classes dominantes et des établissements scolaires qui les accueillent. / The study of students from the upper classes in difficulty at school offers a different perspective on the idea of failure. Children from very advantaged backgrounds benefit from a variety of assets, which, in theory, guarantee their position and social status. Within these classes, however, significant situations of failure can be observed.Through ethnographic research in Bordeaux's private schools under contract, and ethnographic immersion in the dominant classes, this work describes the types of social constructions of the idea of failure in these classes and forms of remedial for children of ruling classes in failure.This thesis shows how elite schools themselves create a kind of failure in their social classes. The study of the gap between actual performance and the expected standards of excellence in highly respected institutions shows how a strong school culture which exclusively adheres to the codes of the privileged classes could lead to school failure even in children far removed from the rules and values of the upper classes. The study also shows how institutions are at the service of an entire class to retrieve their own children from failure and ensure the perpetuation expected. Far from a rational attitude of deliberately breaking away from the codes of their class, these failing students are the product of the same structures of the dominant classes and schools that host them