This dissertation examines the function of subject-before-finite-verb clauses in the book of Genesis based on traditional, understanding. Chapter 1 presents an introduction, thesis, and methodology of the project. The research of this dissertation, following the understanding of traditional grammarians concerning subject-before-finite-verb clauses, furnishes the following thesis: all subject-before-finite-verb clauses render the subject prominent by both emphasis and description. Chapter 2 presents traditional grammarians' view concerning verbal and nominal clauses, including subject-before-finite-verb clauses in particular. They analyze the initial subject as the subject of the entire sentence and the following verb (the predicate) as a verbal clause. Chapter 3 explains that in narrative statements, the subject is usually more described than emphasized (rarely, more emphasized than described), though both description and emphasis are always present. Subject-before-finite-verb clauses may begin, transition/resume, or end a narrative, or they may give general descriptive statements. Emphasis appears stronger than description in some contrastive constructions, emphasis and description are more or less equal in other contrastive constructions, emphasis appears stronger than description with addition of certain particles and/or independent pronouns, after certain introductory formulas, with multiple subjects with modification, and when they continue a narrative. Chapter 4 offers the examination of subject-before-finite-verb clauses in non-narrative statements. The discussion in this chapter follows the same structure as Chapter Three. In non-narrative statements, the subject is usually emphasized (very rarely, more described than emphasized), though again both description and emphasis are always present. Description is stronger when the speaker narrates. Chapter 5 discusses modern attempts to redefine subject-before-finite-verb clauses, as Kautzsch, have confused the distinction between verbal and nominal clauses, which in turn, have perplexed many concerning the proper meaning of verbal and nominal clauses. Moreover, the traditional approach of subject-before-finite-verb clauses assumed a verb-subject for normal word order in Biblical Hebrew. Although Holmstedt has attempted to prove subject-verb as the "basic" word order in Biblical Hebrew, his argument has failed. Hebrew (and Arabic) is a verb-subject language. The traditional approach, therefore, represents the simplest, clearest, most accurate method for analyzing subject-before-finite-verb clauses. / This item is only available to students and faculty of the Southern Baptist Theological Seminary. If you are not associated with SBTS, this dissertation may be purchased from <a href="http://disexpress.umi.com/dxweb">http://disexpress.umi.com/dxweb</a> or downloaded through ProQuest's Dissertation and Theses database if your institution subscribes to that service.

Zu, Xin. / "August 2011." / Thesis (M.Phil.)--Chinese University of Hong Kong, 2011. / Includes bibliographical references (leaves 221-233). / Abstracts in English and Chinese. / Abstract --- p.i / 論文提要 --- p.ii / Dedication --- p.iii / Acknowledgements --- p.iv / Table of Contents --- p.vii / List of Notations --- p.x / List of Abbreviations --- p.xi / Chapter Chapter 1 --- Introduction --- p.1 / Chapter 1.1 --- Background and major claims --- p.1 / Chapter 1.2 --- Overview of the thesis --- p.3 / Chapter 1.3 --- A note on data collection --- p.7 / Chapter Chapter 2 --- Theoretical Background --- p.8 / Chapter 2.1 --- Introduction --- p.8 / Chapter 2.2 --- Minimalism --- p.8 / Chapter 2.2.1 --- Levels of representation --- p.10 / Chapter 2.2.2 --- Distributed morphology --- p.12 / Chapter 2.2.3 --- Economy as the guiding principle --- p.16 / Chapter 2.2.4 --- The feature checking operation --- p.19 / Chapter 2.3 --- Theoretical assumptions --- p.21 / Chapter 2.3.1 --- The syntax of extended projections --- p.22 / Chapter 2.3.1.1 --- Projecting CP --- p.23 / Chapter 2.3.1.2 --- Projecting DP --- p.24 / Chapter 2.3.2 --- The cartographic approach --- p.26 / Chapter 2.3.2.1 --- Splitting CP --- p.27 / Chapter 2.3.2.2 --- Splitting DP --- p.36 / Chapter 2.4. --- Concluding remarks --- p.50 / Chapter Chapter 3 --- Language Background --- p.52 / Chapter 3.1 --- Introduction --- p.52 / Chapter 3.2 --- A sketch of the Jingpo language --- p.53 / Chapter 3.2.1 --- Word order --- p.54 / Chapter 3.2.2 --- Morphological typology --- p.61 / Chapter 3.2.3 --- The pro drop --- p.63 / Chapter 3.3 --- Previous studies on Jingpo noun phrase structure --- p.66 / Chapter 3.3.1 --- Simplex noun phrases --- p.67 / Chapter 3.3.1.1 --- Bare nouns and referentiality --- p.67 / Chapter 3.3.1.2 --- The fixed order N-Cl-Num --- p.69 / Chapter 3.3.1.3 --- The optionality of classifiers --- p.71 / Chapter 3.3.1.4 --- The two ones - langai and mi --- p.75 / Chapter 3.3.1.5 --- The two plural markers - -hte and ni --- p.80 / Chapter 3.3.2 --- Complex nominals --- p.90 / Chapter 3.3.2.1 --- Prenominal and postnominal adjectives --- p.91 / Chapter 3.3.2.2 --- Prenominal and postnominal demonstratives --- p.97 / Chapter 3.4 --- Concluding remarks --- p.98 / Chapter Chapter 4 --- The Right Periphery of Jingpo Clauses --- p.100 / Chapter 4.1 --- Introduction --- p.100 / Chapter 4.2 --- The rightmost edge of Jingpo clauses --- p.101 / Chapter 4.2.1 --- Evidentiality --- p.101 / Chapter 4.2.2 --- Speech acts --- p.106 / Chapter 4.3 --- Sentence final particles --- p.109 / Chapter 4.3.1 --- Clause typing --- p.110 / Chapter 4.3.2 --- Agreement --- p.118 / Chapter 4.3.2.1 --- Subject agreement --- p.119 / Chapter 4.3.2.2 --- Object agreement --- p.120 / Chapter 4.3.2.3 --- Possessor agreement --- p.122 / Chapter 4.3.2.4 --- The simplification of Jingpo agreement system --- p.124 / Chapter 4.3.3 --- Change of state --- p.130 / Chapter 4.3.4 --- Emphatic mood --- p.134 / Chapter 4.3.5 --- Spatial deixis --- p.137 / Chapter 4.3.6 --- Jingpo SFPs as portmanteau forms --- p.137 / Chapter 4.4 --- The structure of the clause periphery in Jingpo --- p.139 / Chapter 4.5 --- The asymmetry between Jingpo matrix and embedded clauses --- p.142 / Chapter 4.6 --- Concluding remarks --- p.149 / Chapter Chapter 5 --- Feature Checking at the Right Periphery --- p.151 / Chapter 5.1 --- Introduction --- p.151 / Chapter 5.2 --- Syntactic analysis of Jingpo evidentiality --- p.151 / Chapter 5.2.1 --- The syntax of speech act and sentience --- p.151 / Chapter 5.2.2 --- The feature geometry of referring expressions --- p.153 / Chapter 5.2.3 --- The syntactic representations of the two types of evidentiality --- p.154 / Chapter 5.2.4 --- Accounting for the ordering constraints --- p.157 / Chapter 5.3 --- The consequences of the feature checking analysis --- p.161 / Chapter 5.3.1 --- Agreement with pragmatic roles --- p.161 / Chapter 5.3.2 --- The shifting of agreement relations across clause types --- p.167 / Chapter 5.3.3 --- Person constraint on subjects --- p.170 / Chapter 5.4 --- Concluding remarks --- p.171 / Chapter Chapter 6 --- Jingpo from the Cartographic Perspective --- p.173 / Chapter 6.1 --- Introduction --- p.173 / Chapter 6.2 --- Functional heads and their specifiers --- p.175 / Chapter 6.2.1 --- Jingpo auxiliaries and their relation to adverbs --- p.176 / Chapter 6.2.2 --- Prenominal and postnominal adjectives --- p.180 / Chapter 6.3 --- Evidence for postulating an articulated DP structure --- p.185 / Chapter 6.3.1 --- Multiple occurrences of demonstratives --- p.185 / Chapter 6.3.2 --- The internal DP layer --- p.192 / Chapter 6.3.3 --- The differential object marker hpe --- p.198 / Chapter 6.4 --- Concluding remarks --- p.208 / Chapter Chapter 7 --- Conclusion --- p.210 / Chapter 7.1 --- Introduction --- p.210 / Chapter 7.2 --- Recapitulation of major claims --- p.211 / Chapter 7.3 --- Future directions of research --- p.212 / Chapter Appendix A --- Pear Story --- p.215 / Bibliography --- p.221

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Nous avons étudié les deux structures concessives en français moderne si p, q et même si p, q. Dans le premier chapitre, nous avons résumé certaines études antérieures sur divers sujets. La section sur la concession montre qu'il y a sous-entendue a une phrase telle que même si Jacques est la, je vais partir un rapport du genre si Jacques est Id, je ne vais pas partir; autrement dit, même si p, q implique si p,~ q (Moeschler & de Spengler, Martin, Ducrot). Par contre, une phrase telle que s'il est intelligent, il est brouillon se glose mieux par la paraphrase de Nguyen certes p, mais q: certes il est intelligent, mais il est brouillon. Dans la section sur la valeur de base des phrases en si p, q (concessives ou non concessives), on voit que si est le marqueur d'une supposition, et cette supposition sert comme cadre pour l'énonciation de q qui suit. La section sur même montre que ce mot est le marqueur d'une échelle argumentative (Ducrot), et qu'il est limite par le contexte et« ce à quoi on s'attendrait» (Lycan). Dans le deuxième chapitre, nous avons décrit notre corpus, et nous avons déterminé si les diverses structures proposées au chapitre précédent étaient présentes dans les exemples du corpus. La section sur si concessif montre que la paraphrase certes p, mais q peut toujours paraphraser les phrases concessives de la structure si p, q. Cependant, la structure si p,~ q est aussi présente, mais indirectement. Finalement, nous avons fait certaines observations sur le temps des verbes dans les deux propositions/? et q, et nous avons étudié les combinaisons présent/présent, imparfait/imparfait, passé composé/présent, et plus-que-parfait/imparfait. Les deux premières combinaisons montrent une opposition—par rapport aux si non concessifs— au niveau des temps verbaux, les deux dernières au niveau de l'aspect. La section sur les cas de même si révèle d'une part que toutes les phrases de cette structure possèdent la structure sous-entendue si p, ~ q, et d'autre part que certains exemples acceptent aussi la paraphrase de Nguyen. Ceci correspond à la distinction qu'Eriksson fait des phrases en même si portant sur des faits réels et non réels (virtuels).

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This thesis brings together two different lines of research, the nature of passive voice, the nature of readability. Commonly, languages have a range of tools for detransitivisation, topicalisation, and impersonalisation, of which passivisation is one (Givón, 1981). Passives have important roles in our language, and prescribing against their use lacks a full understanding of these roles. Much of the concern around passives from writers, editors, and teachers is no more than folklore that has not clearly analysed various writing and reading problems. Many awkward sentences are not awkward because they use passives but because they are wordy, clumsy, or pretentious. Most criticisms have little basis in linguistic theory, and rarely is there more than passing mention of the important role that passives play in communication. Some uses of passives are inappropriate, being vague, ambiguous, or even deceitful. These inappropriate uses of passive voice give the construction a bad name. They have become ammunition for prescriptive grammarians to fire at all uses of passives, often with weak analysis and minimal reference to linguistic theory. ‘Avoid passives’ has become a mantra. I tentatively suggest that there is unlikely to be a cost to processing passives. Given the speed at which the brain processes clauses, any differences in readability (if they exist) must be miniscule. Consequently, I suggest that any differences are unimportant relative to the benefits that appropriately used passives bring to readability. Furthermore, appropriately used passives may actually improve readability, especially when there is greater interest in the passive subject than the active subject, and when the passive serves to connect clauses or sentences.

Exclusionary clauses in South Africa have thus far been interpreted narrowly by the South African Courts. It has been accepted that where a patient enters into a medical contract/agreement with a hospital that includes a clause excluding the hospital and its employees from any form of liability whether negligently or not, the patient has no form of recourse against the hospital for any damages caused except that caused by gross negligence; the hospital will be absolved of any form of liability. The term caveat subscriptor applies – “let the signer be aware” that he/she is bound by the agreement signed by him/her whether or not it was read and understood. The leading case in South Africa dealing with exclusionary clauses in medical contracts is Afrox Healthcare Limited v Strydom. Since that decision the Consumer Protection Act has came into existence. My research question involves determining the impact an exclusionary clause would have, when analysed in terms of the provisions of the Consumer Protection Act with particular reference to its applicability and enforcement in medical/hospital contracts. The Afrox case has in itself been a controversial decision, with many legal writers of the opinion that the principles laid down by the case need to be overturned as the judgement is not in line with public policy. It is argued that with the Consumer Protection Act in place, it can be assumed that exclusionary clauses in medical/hospital will no longer be valid. The Act is a step in the right direction towards patient/consumer protection and awareness. / Thesis (LL.M.)-University of KwaZulu-Natal, Durban, 2013.