My diploma thesis shows patterns of alternation by bilingual children between their two mother tongues, Czech and English. The patterns are studied in two different types of language alternations; code-switching, meaning switching between language codes in whole ideas and discussed topics, and code-mixing, meaning inserting a word or phrase in language A into speech in language B. The code-switching and code-mixing types and patterns were studied on basis of 12 recordings and observations of a class of pre-school children during one morning of English school activities per week and 14 recordings and observations of a following year class of first-year school children during their after-school English activities. All children attended state education, pre-school nursery and the following year Czech state primary schools. Most of the children's parents are a combination of a Czech and an immigrant from an English-speaking country (with three exceptions) and they both speak with the children exclusively in their respective native languages. By studying the patterns of children's alternation between the languages, I also analyse how socialisation through the use of two languages influences social competences. The rules of the speech community, the school, as well as the family speech communities are...

This article investigates the role of direct input in the code-mixing of three bilingual children aged 2–4 years acquiring English as one language, and either German, Polish, or Finnish as the other. From a usage-based perspective, it is assumed that early children’s utterances are item-based and that they contain many lexically fixed patterns. To account for such patterns, the traceback method has been developed to test the hypothesis that children’s utterances are constructed on the basis of a limited inventory of chunks and frame-and-slot patterns. We apply this method to the code-mixed utterances, suggesting that much of the code-mixing occurs within frame-and-slot patterns, such as Was ist X? as in Was ist breakfast muesli? “What is breakfast muesli?” We further analyzed each code-mixed utterance in terms of priming. Our findings suggest that much of the early code-mixing is based on concrete lexically fixed patterns which are subject to input occurring in immediately prior speech, either the child’s own or that of her caregivers.

This paper offers an inductive, exploratory study on the role of input and individual differences in the early code-mixing of bilingual children. Drawing on data from two German-English bilingual children, aged 2–4, we use the traceback method to check whether their code-mixed utterances can be accounted for with the help of constructional patterns that can be found in their monolingual data and/or in their caregivers’ input. In addition, we apply the tracebackmethod to checkwhether the patterns used by one child can also be found in the input of the other child. Results show that patterns found in the code-mixed utterances could be traced back to the input the children receive, suggesting that children extract lexical knowledge from their environment. Additionally, tracing back patterns within each child was more successful than tracing back to the other child’s corpus, indicating that each child has their own set of patterns which depends verymuch on their individual input. As such, these findings can shed new light on the interplay of the two developing grammars in bilingual children and their individual differences.

Following a usage-based approach to language acquisition, lexically specific patterns are considered to be important building blocks for language productivity and feature heavily both in child-directed speech and in the early speech of children (Arnon, Inbal & Morten H. Christiansen. 2017. The role of multiword building blocks in explaining L1-L2 differences. Topics in Cognitive Science 9(3). 621–636; Tomasello, Michael. 2003. Constructing a language: A usagebased theory of language acquisition. Cambridge: Harvard University Press). In order to account for patterns, the traceback method has been widely applied in research on first language acquisition to test the hypothesis that children’s utterances can be accounted for on the basis of a limited inventory of chunks and partially schematic units (Lieven, Elena, Dorothé Salomo & Michael Tomasello. 2009. Two-year-old children’s production of multiword utterances: A usage-based analysis. Cognitive Linguistics 20(3). 481–508). In the current study, we applied the method to code-mixed utterances (n = 1,506) of three German-English bilingual children between 2 and 4 years of age to investigate individual differences in each child’s own inventory of patterns in relation to their input settings. It was shown that units such as I see X as in I see a Kelle ‘I see a trowel’ could be traced back to the child’s own previous productions. More importantly, we see that each child’s inventory of constructions draws heavily on multiword chunks that are strongly dependent on the children’s language input situations.

<p>The thesis examines local and global functions of code-switching and code-mixing in Chicano theater, i.e. in writing intended for performance. The data of this study consists of three published plays by Chicana playwright Cherríe Moraga. </p><p>Distinguishing between code-switching and code-mixing, the investigation explores local and global functions of these phenomena. Local functions of code-switching are functions that can be seen in the text and, as a consequence, can be regarded as meaningful for the audience of the plays. These functions are examined, focussing on five loci in which code-switching is frequent and has clear local functions. The loci are quotations, interjections, reiterations, ‘gaps’ and word/language play. </p><p>Global functions of code-switching and code-mixing operate on a higher level and are not necessarily detected in the actual texts. These functions are discussed, focussing on two main areas, namely power relations (addressing questions of domination, resistance and empowerment) and identity construction (addressing questions of how identity can be reflected by use of language and how identity is constructed and reconstructed by means of language). </p><p>The study suggests that code-switching fills creative, artistic and stylistic functions in the plays and that code-switching and code-mixing can serve as responses to domination in that they can be used to resist, challenge and ultimately transform power relations.</p>

The thesis examines local and global functions of code-switching and code-mixing in Chicano theater, i.e. in writing intended for performance. The data of this study consists of three published plays by Chicana playwright Cherríe Moraga. Distinguishing between code-switching and code-mixing, the investigation explores local and global functions of these phenomena. Local functions of code-switching are functions that can be seen in the text and, as a consequence, can be regarded as meaningful for the audience of the plays. These functions are examined, focussing on five loci in which code-switching is frequent and has clear local functions. The loci are quotations, interjections, reiterations, ‘gaps’ and word/language play. Global functions of code-switching and code-mixing operate on a higher level and are not necessarily detected in the actual texts. These functions are discussed, focussing on two main areas, namely power relations (addressing questions of domination, resistance and empowerment) and identity construction (addressing questions of how identity can be reflected by use of language and how identity is constructed and reconstructed by means of language). The study suggests that code-switching fills creative, artistic and stylistic functions in the plays and that code-switching and code-mixing can serve as responses to domination in that they can be used to resist, challenge and ultimately transform power relations.

Mojawapo ya matokeo ya utandawazi ni kuwapo kwa simu za kiganjani na matumizi yake. Siku hizi nchini Tanzania mawasiliano ya simu yamekuwako kwa wingi kuliko ilivyokuwa tangu wakati wa uhuru hadi katikati ya miaka ya tisini. Lugha ya Kiswahili inayotumika katika simu hizi ni ya kiutandawazi na pengine si rahisi kuiona nje ya wigo huu wa kiutandawazi ambao pia unajumuisha mawasiliano kwa barua pepe, na maongezi katika tovuti. Suala kubwa tunalolijadili katika makala hii ni changamoto zinazoletwa na lugha hii katika Isimujamii, hasa kuchanganya msimbo (lugha) na kubadili misimbo (lugha) (code mixing and code switching). Kwahiyo mwelekeo wa makala hii ni utafiti wa matumizi ya lugha hii tandawazi kwa kuangalia simu za viganjani na athari yake katika nadharia za isimujamii. Madhumuni yetu ni kuangalia matumizi ya lugha ya Kiswahili katika simu za viganjani.

The aim of this thesis is to find out to what extent DVTV Internet TV speakers adhere to Literary Czech in each interview they perform and under which circumstances they do not. We also wanted to contribute to the answers to the question, whether it is appropriate to think about the transition from the current concept of Literary Czech to Standard Czech. During the interview analysis, we monitored the rate of occurrence of the non-standard elements, the influence of the speaker's role in the interview, and selected sociolinguistic factors which have influence on the choice of language code. We compared the results with the research of other journalistic interviews and with the corpus data from the Common Czech. The examined material consisted of 30 interviews from January to February 2016. We found out that some of the interviewed people tended to use Literary Czech, some were speaking non-standard Czech and there were also people whose speech was in terms of the occurrence of Literary and non-standard elements rather mixed. Nevertheless, in general, the character of the texts was rather literary. Based on a comparison of the results with other research, we came to the conclusion that the transition from Literary Czech to Standard Czech would be premature, as the speakers are able to comply with...

Language contact is a universal phenomenon found in bilingual or multilingual societies. It is the basic and distinct quality of every culture. Language is the means by which people communicate, express their points of views, say what their feelings are and attach names to objects. As multicultural as South Africa is, it is almost impossible for one not to have an encounter with other people’s languages. This study therefore aims at investigating the influence of IsiNdebele on Sepedi learners at the primary schools around the Dennilton region in the Limpopo Province. Much has been said about language contact and its influence in urban areas but no study has yet been conducted in rural areas focusing on Sepedi and IsiNdebele speakers. In their works, researchers such as Malimabe (1990:12), Pettman (1993:3), Calteaux (1996:187) point out that urbanization has brought diverse cultures together in the townships and workplaces. To curb their language differences, lingua franca like Tsotsitaal, Iscamtho, Fanagalo and others inevitably emerged. The same happened in the Limpopo Province when the AmaNdebele came to the farms and mines seeking employment at the Marble Hall and Groblersdal areas, and some did find a place of refuge in these areas. As Pettman (1993:3) notes, various races, using different languages cannot occupy the same territory and live in daily contact without being mutually affected; each will acquire something from and in turn give something to the other. In Chapter One, the Constitutional requirement as well as the progress made in the teaching and learning of isiNdebele at the primary schools in the Dennilton region is explored. The findings in Chapter Two reveal that Amandebele children still speak isiNdebele at home but Sepedi at school. At some schools, the learners who take Sepedi first language and those who take isiNdebele first language are accommodated in one class and only separate during their first language instruction periods. This is done because of the shortage of classes but will obviously promote cross language influence, such as code-switching and code-mixing. The findings reveal that language influence is also perpetuated by multilingual families and educators. The isiNdebele speaking learners and teachers bring isiNdebele to the learning environment; hence the Sepedi speaking learners in these schools experience difficulties adjusting to the use of appropriate, standard Sepedi when they speak or write essays. The isiNdebele phonological sounds as in [z] mzala for Sepedi [ts] motswala ’cousin’, [dl] dlala for Sepedi [b] bapala ‘play’, [v] vula for Sepedi [β] bula etc. are observed to be infiltrating the Sepedi sound system and are outlined in Chapter Three. After examining the learners’ written work in Chapter Four, it is observed that there is the adaptation of phonemes on the morphological, semantic and the syntactical disciplines from isiNdebele into Sepedi lexical stock. Chapter Five recapitulates the whole study. Recommendations by the language teachers and the researcher to the Limpopo Education Department, the parents and all stakeholders involved in the teaching and learning of languages are stated in this concluding chapter. AFRIKAANS : Taalkontak is ’n universele fenomeen in tweetalige of veeltalige gemeenskappe. Dit is die basiese en onderskeidende kwaliteit van enige kultuur. Taal is die instrument waarmee mense kommunikeer, hul menings lug, hul gevoelens uitdruk en objekte benoem. Dit is byna onmoontlik om in ’n multikulturele Suid-Afrikaanse konteks nie kontak te hê met ande tale nie. Dié studie stel ondersoek in na die invloed van IsiNdebele op Sepedi leerders in laerskole rondom die Dennilton area in die Limpopo provinsie. Baie is al gesê oor taalkontak en die invloed daarvan in stedelike areas, maar geen studie is al onderneem in plattelandse gebiede wat fokus op Sepedi en IsiNdebele sprekers nie. In hul ondersoeke het navorsers soos Malimabe (1990:12), Pettman (1993:3), Calteaux (1996:187) daarop gewys dat verstedeliking diverse kulture saamgebring het in informele nedersettings en werkplekke. Om taalverskille te oorkom, het lingua francas soos Tsotsitaal, Iscamtho, Fanagalo en ander ontwikkel. Dieselfde het in die Limpopo provinsie gebeur toe die AmaNdebele na plase en myne in die Marble Hall en Groblersdal areas gekom het om werk te soek. Sommige het ’n tuiste in hierdie areas gevind. Pettman (1993:3) noem dat verskillende rasse wat verskillende tale gebruik nie dieselfde gebied kan bewoon sonder om ondeling beïnvloed te word nie; elk sal iets van die ander nodig hê en beurtelings iets aan die ander gee. In hoofstuk 1 word die konstitusionele vereiste en die vordering wat gemaak is met die onderrig en en leer van isiNdebele in laerskole in die Dennilton area ondersoek. Die bevindinge in hoofstuk 2 wys daarop dat Amandebele kinders steeds isiNdebele tuis gebruik, maar Sepedi in die skoolopset. By sommige skole word leerders wat Sepedi en isiNdebele onderskeidelik as ’n eerste taal neem in een klas geakkommodeer en word hul slegs geskei gedurende eerste taalonderrigperiodes. Dié word gedoen weens ’n tekort aan klasse, maar sal vanselfsprekend kruistaal beïnvloeding bevorder soos kodewisseling en kodevermenging. Die bevindinge dui daarop dat taalbeïnvloeding ook aangewakker word deur veeltalige families en opvoeders. Die IsiNdebele leerders en opvoeders bring isiNdebele na die leeromgewing; daarom ondervind die Sepedi leerders in hierdie skole probleme met die gebruik van aanvaarbare standaard Sepedi as hul praat of opstelle skryf. Die isiNdebele fonologiese klanke soos [z] vir Sepedi, [ts] motswala, [dl] dlala vir Sepedi, [b] bapala, [v] vir Sepedi [β] bula ens. is besig om die Sepedi klanksisteem te infiltreer en word in hoofstuk 3 aangedui. Nadat die leerders se geskrewe werk in hoofstuk 4 geëksamineer is, is bevind dat ’n aanpassing van foneme op die morfologiese, semantiese en die sintaktiese dissipline van die isiNdebele na Sepedi leksikale standard plaasvind. Hoofstuk 5 neem die algehele studie in oënskou. Voorstelle deur taalonderwysers en die navorser aan die Limpopo Onderwysdepartement, die ouers en alle rolspelers betrokke by die onderrig en leer van tale word in die slothoofstuk gestel Copyright / Dissertation (MA)--University of Pretoria, 2013. / African Languages / unrestricted

Le chiac est une variété de français parlé dans le sud-est du Nouveau-Brunswick marqué notamment par le mélange de codes avec l’anglais. Perrot (1995) a été la première à en faire une description approfondie. Non seulement les attitudes vis-à-vis du chiac sont variées parmi ses locuteurs, mais il s’avère que les représentations de ses mêmes locuteurs sur ce qu’est ou n’est pas le chiac formellement, leurs conceptions méta-linguistiques en somme de celui-ci divergent grandement. En effet, cette variété a la particularité d’être nommée ce qui lui donne la capacité d’être appréhendée et mobilisée aisément par les locuteurs autant que par les chercheurs (Boudreau 2012). À vrai dire, le chiac ne serait pas particulièrement différent des autres variétés de français en situation minoritaire dans les Maritimes (King 2008). Cependant, sa nomination ne semble pas suffire à le décrire précisément puisque la définition donnée au chiac n’est pas la même pour tous. Qu’est-ce qu’est le chiac selon ses locuteurs ? Comment expliquer l’apparente multitude de définitions pour un seul et même terme ? Quelles sont les pratiques linguistiques auxquelles on attribue le nom de chiac ? Qui parle chiac et dans quelles situations ? Qu’est-ce que ces processus discursifs de nomination de leur langue révèlent sur les représentations que se font les Acadiens et les Acadiennes de leur langue ? Les données de cette recherche ont été récoltées principalement à l’aide d’entretiens semi-dirigés et de notes prises lors d’observation participante dans des activités de la vie quotidienne à Moncton au Nouveau-Brunswick. / Chiac is a variety of French spoken in southeastern New-Brunswick. It is marked by its code-mixing with English because its speakers live in close relationship with the English-speaking majority of the region. Perrot was the first to describe Chiac linguistic structure in 1995. Not only are attitudes towards Chiac varied among its speakers, but it appears that the representations of its speakers, their meta-linguistic conceptions of Chiac, diverge greatly. Indeed, this variety has the particularity of being named, which gives it the capacity to be easily apprehended and mobilized by speakers as well as researchers (Boudreau 2012). In fact, chiac would not be particularly different from other varieties of French in a minority situation in the Maritimes (King 2008). However, its name does not seem to be sufficient to describe it precisely since the definition given to chiac is not the same for everyone. What is Chiac according to its speakers? Why are there multiple definitions for one and the same term? What linguistic practices are attributed to the name Chiac? Who speaks Chiac and in what situations? What do these discursive processes of naming their language reveal about Acadians' representations of their language? The data for this research was collected primarily through semi-structured interviews and notes taken during participant observation in activities of daily life in Moncton, New Brunswick.