J’ai souhaité, dans ce travail doctoral, mener une réflexion sur la société brésilienne actuelle, société issue d’une histoire marquée par la colonisation portugaise et l’esclavage qui, sous la traite transatlantique, a pris un essor considérable. L’époque contemporaine, après avoir entretenue le mythe de la démocratie raciale en plaçant notamment le métissage comme garant de l’unité sociale du pays a reconnu politiquement et institutionnellement une différenciation raciale et sociale de la population, l’existence d’un racisme latent mais bien réel et des inégalités multiples qui se cristallisent et s’illustrent aussi à l’intérieur de l’école brésilienne. Dans le cadre d’une ethnicisation des politiques publiques brésiliennes et l’instauration, à partir des années 2000, des actions affirmatives, outils d’une politique de discrimination positive, des dispositifs institutionnels se mettent en place, tels qu’un système de quotas raciaux, l’instauration dans le cursus scolaire de l’obligation d’enseigner l’histoire et la culture africaine et afro-brésilienne, dans le but d’une réduction de ces inégalités et des conséquences du racisme pour une meilleure intégration de la population noire et métisse brésilienne.A la lumière de la pensée décoloniale latino-américaine, l’enjeu de ce travail était de mettre en évidence l’existence et la perpétuation au sein de l’imaginaire social-historique brésilien d’une colonialité du pouvoir, du savoir et de l’être maintenant des rapports sociaux racistes et racialisés sous couvert d’une vision eurocentrique et occidentale et une norme implicite de l’idéologie du blanchiement. Avec l’appui d’une approche théorique et méthodologique multiréférentielle alliant l’approche socio-historique, la démarche clinique et le cadre théorique de l’Analyse Institutionnelle, et la mise en place, sur le terrain d’étude, Ribeirão Preto, une ville de l’état de São Paulo, d’observations de type ethnographiques et d’entretiens compréhensifs, j’ai présenté une double analyse de mes données de terrain. L’analyse de la parole, de discours, de comportements, de situations vécues et ou relatées a permis de pointer de quelle manière se manifestaient ces différentes formes de colonialité dans et par le parcours de vie et le quotidien des personnes rencontrées. Elle a également mis en évidence une tension entre l’objectif institutionnel affiché et la mise en œuvre sur le terrain d’une politique remise en question et qui pourrait favoriser un paradigme que j’ai nommé intégrant-excluant, s’illustrant par une nécessité d’une auto-identification et d’une catégorisation d’une partie de la population brésilienne, pour bénéficier de l’obtention des mesures intégratrices qui peuvent être perçues et vécues comme excluantes et injustes. Enfin, je propose un travail de conceptualisation autour de la notion de bio-pouvoir et une réflexion autour d’enjeux éducatifs visant à aller vers un processus de décolonialité par une perspective critique interrogeant la déconstruction des significations imaginaires sociales dans une perspective de transformation de l’institutionnalisation de ce paradigme implicite mais bien présent. / In this doctoral work, I reflect on contemporary Brazilian society and how its history has been marked by Portuguese colonization and slavery, which gained considerable ground under the transatlantic treaty. By viewing interbreeding as the guarantor of social unity, thereby keeping alive the myth of a racial democracy, contemporary society politically and institutionally recognizes that populations differ on social and racial grounds. As a result, a latent but very real racism exists, as well as multiple, increasingly apparent inequalities, of which Brazilian classrooms are a reflection. Under the ethnicization of Brazilian public policy and the introduction of affirmative action, which is a tool for a politics of positive discrimination, institutional means were put in place at the turn of the 21st century to reduce inequalities and other consequences of racism, such as a system of racial quotas and the introduction of mandatory African and Afro-Brazilian cultural-historical studies; and all this in an effort to better integrate the black and mixed Brazilian population. This work uses decolonial thinking to prove that, deep down in the Brazilian social-historical imagination, the coloniality of power, knowledge, and being, racialized social relations not only exists, but is also being perpetuated under the guise of a Eurocentric and Occidentalist vision, as well as a norm implicitly rooted in the ideology of “whitewashing”.The work is based on a multi-referential approach, which blends together a socio-historical approach, the clinical process and the theoretical framework of Institutional Analysis. It also puts forward, through field research in Ribeirao Preto, a town in the state of Sao Polo, ethnographical observations and comprehensive interviews, all of which will allow me to present a dual analysis of my field research.Analyzing words, speeches, behaviors, and lived experiences is crucial to understanding that these different forms of coloniality manifest themselves in the daily lives of people. It also proves that there is a tension between institutional aims and the putting in place, in real life, of a politics that calls itself into question and favors what I call an “integrating-exclusive” paradigm. This paradigm is illustrated by the necessity of auto-identifying and categorising a part of the Brazilian population, in an attempt to benefit from the production of inclusive measures perceived and experienced as excluding and unjust.Finally, this work is an attempt at once to conceptualize the notion of bio-power, and to reflect on the educational stakes rooted in attempts to direct us towards a decoloniality process, by way of a critical perspective capable of calling out and pointing fingers at the destruction of social imaginaries. In doing so, we hope to transform the institutionalization of this implicit, yet very real, paradigm. / Eu queria, nesse trabalho de doutorado, refletir sobre a atual sociedade brasileira, uma sociedade que se origina numa história marcada pela colonização e escravidão portuguesa que, sob o comércio transatlântico, tem crescido consideravelmente. A era contemporânea, depois de ter mantido o mito da democracia racial colocando a mestiçagem como garantia da unidade social do país, reconheceu políticamente e institucionalmente uma diferenciação racial e social da população, a existência de um racismo latente mas real e várias desigualdades que se cristalizam e são também ilustradas dentro da escola brasileira. No contexto de uma etnicização das políticas públicas brasileiras e da introdução, a partir dos anos 2000, das ações afirmativas, ferramentas de uma política de discriminação positiva, dispositivos institucionais vão ser aplicados, como um sistema de cotas raciais, a introdução, no currículo escolar, da obrigação de ensinar a história e a cultura africana e afro-brasileira, com o objetivo de reduzir essas desigualdades e as conseqüências do racismo para uma integração melhor da população brasileira negra e mestiça. À luz do pensamento descolonial latino-americano, o desafio deste trabalho foi destacar a existência e a perpetuação, no imaginário sócio-histórico brasileiro, de uma colonialidade do poder, do conhecimento e do ser perpetuam relações sociais racistas e racializadassustendadas por uma visão eurocêntrica e ocidental e uma norma implícita de ideologia do branqueamento. Com o apoio de uma abordagem teórico e metodológico multireferencial que combina a abordagem sócio-histórica, a abordagem clínica e o referencial teórico da Análise Institucional, e o estabelecimento, no território do estudo, Ribeirão Preto, cidade do Estado de São Paulo, de observações de tipo etnográficas e de entrevistas comprehensivas, apresentei uma análisedupla dos meus dados de campo. A análise das falas, dos discursos, dos comportamentos, das situações vivenciadas oucontadas possibilitaram apontar como essas diferentes formas de colonialidade se manifestaram no e por os percursos de vida e no cotidiano das pessoas encontradas. Destacou-se também uma tensão entre o objetivo institucional declarado e a implementação de uma política questionada no terreno que poderia fomentar um paradigma que denominei de integrando-excluindo, exemplificado pela necessidade de auto-identificação e de categorização de uma parte da população brasileira, para poder beneficiar da obtenção de medidas integradoras que possam ser percebidas e vivenciadas como excludentes e injustas. Por fim, proponho um trabalho de conceptualização em torno da noção de biopoder e umareflexão em torno de desafios educativos visando avançar para um processo de descolonialidade por uma perspectiva crítica questionando a desconstrução das significações imaginárias sociais numa perspectiva de transformação da institucionalização deste paradigma implícito mas muito presente

The migration of thousands of Guatemalan-Maya due to political violence and poverty since the 1970s led to the establishment of various diasporic communities throughout the United States. A frequent destination for the Maya is Los Angeles, California, where they are confronted with pressure to adapt within an environment that is predominately Latino/Hispanic. Maya identity expressed through the use of traje (Maya clothing), language, literature and spirituality is challenged by Euro-American culture such as western style of dress and the practice of English which discriminates against these customs. These conditions are more severe for Maya children who face the difficulties in preserving their heritage as a result of institutions such as public education which socializes them into US culture and history. Despite the presence of many indigenous communities in Los Angeles, such as the Maya, Mixtecos and Zapotecs, indigenous identity is almost non-existent in many public spaces and institutions. Discrimination against the Maya by their compatriots and other Latinos coupled with high rates of undocumented immigration statuses have contributed to this invisibility. Some Maya parents view the lack of a strong indigenous identity among their children as problematic and the source of negative cultural qualities such as disrespect towards elders, violence, individualism and misbehavior. In this study, I seek to examine Maya identity and culture in Los Angeles. What does it mean to identify as Maya in Los Angeles? What are the consequences of doing so? How do Maya immigrants respond to discrimination and what implications does discrimination have for the ethnic identity formation of their children? Why has Maya identity survived in some children of Maya and not in others? I found that while some Maya immigrants have assimilated into the Latino community in response to racism and fear of deportation, others have adopted strategies such as the use of marimba to preserve Maya identity which also serve to deal with a life of displacement and exile. Maya identity among children is highly influenced by factors such as the educational system, class and their parent’s willingness and ability to transmit Maya culture. Thus, while some children of Maya have been able to preserve and express their identity through various channels such as music and language, others may be unaware of, ashamed by or apathetic toward their indigenous roots and history. / text

La institución educativa es el resultado de un orden social moderno-colonial, determinado por un saber eurocéntrico que responde a la lógica del capitalismo como orden mundial de poder. Prueba de esto son los debates en torno a la escolaridad que comprenden su función social desde la inserción eficiente de los sujetos en la sociedad. en el orden de las políticas públicas vigentes, la lógica del desarrollo humano es lo que sigue primando en los proyectos educativos nacionales. esta problemática se agrava cuando se piensa en los contextos interculturales una vez que la lógica del capital, de la productividad y el crecimiento económico, no son parte de otras formas de ver el mundo. La interculturalidad como diálogo e interacción de universos simbólicos distintos exige la incorporación de otras epistemologías y lógicas escolares. Lo inter- cultural, desde las universidades Interculturales mexicanas, exige nuevas respuestas del sistema educativo formal; siendo que estas propuestas parecen aproximarse a la construcción de sociedades plurales capaces de incluir a todos y todas en los proyectos de vida. Considerando esto, la pregunta central para la reflexión que aquí se propone es: ¿cómo se puede pensar los efectos educativos en un contexto intercultural? Para esto hemos asumido la lectura crítica desde la teoría de la colonialidad del poder de Aníbal Quijano, para pensar la interculturalidad desde la inclusión verdadera de otras epistemologías que permitan pensar el mundo desde otros lugares y desde otros saberes. / The educative institution is the result of a modern-colonial socialorder determined by a euro-centric knowledge that responds to the logic of capitalism as a world order of power. the debates about schooling that understands its function as the efficient insertion of individuals into society are proof of this. In the order of current public policies, the logic of human development still rules over the national educative projects. this problem worsens when one considers intercultural contexts once the logic of capital, productivity, and economic growth are not the base of other ways of seeing the world. Interculturality as a dialogue and interaction of different symbolic universes demands the incorporation of other epistemologies and schooling logics. Thus, mexican Intercultural universities demand new responses from the formal educative system. these proposals seem to approximate to the construction of plural societies, capable of including everybody in life projects. the purpose is the construction of a true dialogue between forms of knowledge. therefore, the main question that is asked here is: how can educative effects be thought in an intercultural context? to answer it, I have made a critical reading of Anibal Quijano’s theory of the coloniality of power which gives an understanding of interculturality based on the real inclusion of other epistemologies that allow seeing the world from other angles and other forms of knowledge.

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Like many former colonised countries, Haiti has been plagued by insecurity and conflicts caused by internal and external influences as well as natural disasters. In 1804, after a protracted conflict between slaves and French colonialists, Haiti became the first black country to gain its independence through a revolution. Today, Haiti is the poorest country in the Western hemisphere, ranking 153rd on the Human Development Index and a significant number of humanitarian organisations are present on the island aspiring at improving the standard of living of the population. The following study examines how the relationships of power emerging through the relationship between humanitarian and local leaders affect their perceptions of each other and identified the emotions emerging from these perceptions. The perceptions identified are the coloniality of power, corruption and distrust, the occurrence of conspiracy theories and the obstacles encountered in the implementation of a relief-development continuum model envisioned by general humanitarian policies. These perceptions create tensions between the humanitarian and local leaders, contributing to fuelling negative emotions such as regret, sadness, sense of failure, disappointment and anger. Negative emotions in this study affect the collaboration between humanitarians and local leaders, diminishing the positive influences and impact of humanitarian action on the well-being of the Haitian population. One of the components to increase these positive influences of humanitarian action is to lessen the asymmetricality of power between humanitarian and local leaders through the adoption of a Cultural Competence model by humanitarians.

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Submitted by Cláudia Bueno (claudiamoura18@gmail.com) on 2015-10-19T20:43:38Z No. of bitstreams: 2 Tese - Ludimila Stival Cardoso - 2015.pdf: 3817230 bytes, checksum: 46564422564b45b15babfcf03a3f277a (MD5) license_rdf: 23148 bytes, checksum: 9da0b6dfac957114c6a7714714b86306 (MD5) / Approved for entry into archive by Luciana Ferreira (lucgeral@gmail.com) on 2015-10-20T11:07:10Z (GMT) No. of bitstreams: 2 Tese - Ludimila Stival Cardoso - 2015.pdf: 3817230 bytes, checksum: 46564422564b45b15babfcf03a3f277a (MD5) license_rdf: 23148 bytes, checksum: 9da0b6dfac957114c6a7714714b86306 (MD5) / Made available in DSpace on 2015-10-20T11:07:10Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 2 Tese - Ludimila Stival Cardoso - 2015.pdf: 3817230 bytes, checksum: 46564422564b45b15babfcf03a3f277a (MD5) license_rdf: 23148 bytes, checksum: 9da0b6dfac957114c6a7714714b86306 (MD5) Previous issue date: 2015-03-12 / This thesis sought to analyze the presence and social participation of Brazilian foreign policy. We begin our analysis with an investigation of the dichotomy of Prospero and Caliban, two characters within William Shakespeare's play, "The Tempest" (1611), viewed by post-colonial thinkers as representative of the relationship between the colonizer and the colonized. For this thesis, these characters represent the distance between Brazilian foreign policy and Brazilian society. The first, Prospero, is symbolic of those thriving and in power, while the second, Caliban, is symbolic of those whose humanity has been removed by the prerogative of European domination, but who nevertheless resist domination (resist decolonization). We understand that what was needed was a "swing decolonization" in our thesis, so we discussed the prospect of "coloniality of power," of which we believe America, through the Atlantic trade route, to have been a constituent part of the training of the world system. Therefore, the world system and modern capitalism would also be considered colonial. But the "coloniality of power" is related, in particular, to a process that degrades a portion of the indigenous population, such as blacks, and also degrades women, due to their phenotypes, i.e., it is linked to the concept of "race" ("coloniality of being"), as well as to the knowledge of other ("coloniality of knowledge"), and to forms of spirituality and its relationship with nature ("coloniality of nature"). In other words, these strata would be lower than both ontological and epistemological orientation. These initial analyzes led us to revisit historical periods prior to the focus of this thesis: in particular, the time between the Proclamation of the Republic (1889) and the Vargas Era (1930 - 1945). We therefore arrive at colonization, the first contacts between the indigenous peoples and Europeans (Portuguese), the Iberian Union (1580 - 1640), the Portuguese Restoration (1640), and Independence (1822). This process and path has helped us understand how society and the Brazilian State itself is structured. The first is based on the "myth" of territorial greatness; and the second, by pressing the marks of inferiority, we discuss a perspective from the "coloniality of power" and an analysis, even incidentally, of various interpreters of Brazil. We reflect also on the indigenist policy undertaken since the colonial period until the institution of the Republic (1889) arriving in the Vargas (1930 - 1945). We realized with these analyzes that the objective of the Brazilian State was, mainly, to integrate the indigenous population into national communion, transforming it into a labor force, in addition to using it as a protector of borders. At this point, indigenous politics and foreign policy intersect, since one of the main scopes of the latter would be to ensure the safety of the Brazilian territory and, when possible, to enlarge it. We start, then, with an analysis of the reports of the Ministry of Foreign Affairs between 1889 and 1945. After analysis of this documentation, we explore the importance of the integrity of the territory for the Brazilian State, and examine also the existence of a speech in which Brazil appears as an advocate of the principles of a civilization whose political model is epistemic of a social and cultural conscience of the West. A speech that, in addition to addressing other issues, presents the presence and participation of a population contingent upon other ways of life, and other social and economic organization, i.e. indigenous and black. Still, it is an exception, this democratic deficit and participation has changed, to some extent, in the 1980s, when the social movements began to be interested in international affairs, by way of the fight for the maintenance of labor rights, at risk to deregulation of the labor market and a measure of economic liberalization. This process is, however, under construction and depends on an intercultural dialog, which makes the Ministry of Foreign Affairs and its area of operation the place of intersection and connection. / Esta tese procurou analisar a presença e participação social na política externa brasileira. Começamos nossas análises tendo como mote investigativo a dicotomia Próspero/Caliban, duas personagens da peça A tempestade (1611) de Willian Shakespeare, vistas por pensadores pós-coloniais como a representação das relações entre colonizador e colonizado. Para esta tese, essas personagens poderiam significar distância entre a política externa e a sociedade brasileira. A primeira ligada ao Próspero e a segunda ao Caliban, aquele ser do qual é retirado a prerrogativa de humanidade pelo domínio europeu, mas que resiste à dominação (resistência decolonial). Compreendemos que era necessário um “giro decolonial” em nossa tese, por isso discutimos a perspectiva da colonialidade do poder, a partir da qual entendemos que a América era parte constitutiva da formação do sistema-mundo, por meio da rota comercial do Atlântico. Assim, o sistema-mundo moderno e capitalista seria também colonial. Mas a colonialidade do poder está relacionada, sobretudo, a um processo de inferiorização de contingentes populacionais indígenas, negros/afrodescendentes e femininos em razão de seus fenótipos, ou seja, está ligada à noção de “raça” (colonialidade do ser), assim como aos saberes outros (colonialidade do saber) e às formas de espiritualidade outras e suas relações com a natureza (colonialidade da natureza). Em outras palavras, esses estratos seriam inferiores tanto ontológica quanto epistemologicamente. Essas primeiras análises nos levaram a revisitar períodos históricos anteriores ao momento em foco na tese: o lapso de tempo entre a Proclamação da República (1889) e a Era Vargas (1930 – 1945). Voltamos, pois, à colonização, os primeiros contatos entre indígenas e europeus (portugueses), a União Ibérica (1580 – 1640), a Restauração Portuguesa (1640) e a Independência (1822). Um caminho que nos ajudou a compreender como a sociedade e o Estado brasileiro se estruturaram. O primeiro baseado no “mito fundador” da grandeza territorial. E a segunda carregando as marcas da inferioridade, perspectiva que discutimos a partir da colonialidade do poder e de uma análise, ainda que en passant, de diversos intérpretes do Brasil. Detemo-nos também sobre a política indigenista empreendida desde o período colonial até a instituição da República (1889) chegando à Vargas (1930 – 1945). Percebemos com essas análises que o objetivo do Estado brasileiro era, principalmente, integrar o indígena à comunhão nacional transformando-o em mão de obra, além de utilizá-lo como protetor de fronteiras. Nesse ponto política indigenista e política externa se aproximam, já que um dos principais escopos desta última seria assegurar a integridade do território brasileiro e, quando possível ampliá-lo. Começamos, então, a análise dos relatórios do Ministério das Relações Exteriores entre 1889 e 1945. Após a análise dessa documentação, ratificamos a importância da integridade do território para o Estado brasileiro e percebemos também a existência de um discurso no qual o Brasil aparece como defensor dos princípios da civilização, cujo modelo político, epistêmico, social e cultural é o Ocidente. Um discurso que, além de outras questões, inviabiliza a presença e participação de contingentes populacionais com outras formas de existência e de organização social e econômica, ou seja, indígenas e negros/afrodescendentes. Ainda que, cabe uma ressalva, esse déficit democrático e de participação tenha se alterado, em alguma medida, nos anos 1980, quando os movimentos sociais começaram a se interessar pelos assuntos internacionais, em razão da luta pela manutenção dos direitos trabalhistas, em risco pelas medidas de liberalização econômica e desregulamentação do mundo do trabalho. Esse processo está, contudo, em construção e depende de um diálogo intercultural, que torne o Ministério de Relações Exteriores e sua área de atuação o lugar do interepistêmico.

Esta pesquisa teve como objetivo principal analisar a expansão das escolas privadas na periferia do município de São Paulo tendo como recorte a Zona Leste. Buscou-se articular as duas dimensões do objeto a escola privada e a periferia para contribuir com a área de educação e dos estudos urbanos. Foram utilizados dados quantitativos das escolas privadas, por ano de autorização de funcionamento, fornecidos pela Secretaria da Educação do Estado de São Paulo, para realização de mapas por geoprocessamento, para verificar a expansão no tempo e no espaço. Elegeu-se como quadro teórico a conceituação da colonialidade do poder à brasileira para analisar o papel da escola privada nas estruturas de poder que justificasse sua presença ao longo do século XX. De um lado, isto implicou em considerar que havia uma hierarquização social, de base racial, forjada desde os tempos coloniais, que separa os setores privilegiados nos postos de trabalhos e de comandos, tendo a educação formal privada como um dos mecanismos materiais e simbólicos de acesso. Por outro lado, buscou-se questionar o estigma da periferia como um espaço de carência e violência, assim como de lócus reservado à escola pública. Defende-se, pois, a tese de que a instalação das escolas privadas é concomitante com a formação da periferia leste desde o início do século XX, indicando que diversos atores da iniciativa privada estiveram presentes na configuração da produção do espaço periférico. / This research main objective was to analyze the rise of private schools in the suburbs of São Paulo city, mainly in East Zone. It aimed to articulate both dimensions of the object private schools and suburbs in order to contribute to the education field and urban studies. Quantitative data about the foundation year of these private schools was provided by São Paulo States Education Secretariat, which was used to build maps through geoprocessing and to verify their rise in space and time. We voted for the conceptualization of coloniality of power in Brazil as an explanatory matrix with the goal of analyzing private schools roles in power structures and to justify their presence in East Zone throughout the 20th century. On one hand, it meant consider the existence of a social hierarchy based on race, which has been constructed since the colonial period and separates privileged sectors in work and control through formal private education as a material and symbolic mechanism of access. On the other hand, we investigated the East Zones stigma, which characterizes the suburb as poor and violent and, therefore, as a public schools exclusively locus. The thesis supported is that the settlement of private schools is concomitant with the east suburbs formation, started in the beginning of the 20th century, which reveals that many private initiative actors have been present in the production configuration of the suburb space.

Submitted by William Justo Figueiro (williamjf) on 2015-07-01T21:52:34Z No. of bitstreams: 1 05.pdf: 1241685 bytes, checksum: ee79ee50c3c969c2bcadff87ca4c1c20 (MD5) / Made available in DSpace on 2015-07-01T21:52:34Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 1 05.pdf: 1241685 bytes, checksum: ee79ee50c3c969c2bcadff87ca4c1c20 (MD5) Previous issue date: 2014-01-09 / CAPES - Coordenação de Aperfeiçoamento de Pessoal de Nível Superior / O presente trabalho tem por objetivo demonstrar que a questão dos deslocados internos pode ser caracterizada no Brasil a partir das remoções forçadas que permeiam as violações dos direitos humanos à moradia e à cidade no processo de preparação e realização de megaeventos esportivos, em razão do modelo de desenvolvimento adotado pelo Estado brasileiro, marcado pela colonialidade do poder. Em vista disso, a pesquisa pretende analisar a configuração atual dos deslocados internos no mundo, as causas e principais violações de direitos humanos que ocorrem nesse contexto, bem como as principais manifestações de proteção e assistência que lhes são dirigidas. Ademais, busca analisar em que medida as instituições e as características do Estado moderno são determinadas por uma matriz colonial do poder, propiciando um modelo de progresso e desenvolvimento que aprofunda as desigualdades, encobre identidades e silencia lutas. Verificar-se-á, nesse sentido, que o modelo de desenvolvimento moderno/capitalista/colonial, adotado pelo Brasil, tem como consequência o padrão discriminatório, excludente e opressivo dos processos de modernização das cidades e de planejamento urbanístico, evidenciados no âmbito da preparação de grandes cidades do país para a realização de megaeventos esportivos, especialmente através da violação do direito à moradia adequada. A necessidade de caracterizar os atingidos por remoções forçadas como deslocados internos amplia as possibilidades de proteção jurídica e de consciência coletiva, subjetiva e institucional, em relação a este problema que, dentre tantos outros, foi desvelado a partir dos processos de preparação à realização dos megaeventos esportivos no Brasil. Partindo do referencial teórico do pensamento descolonial, será analisada a categoria colonialidade do poder no âmbito das violações de direitos humanos apontadas no contexto dos megaeventos, a partir da lógica desenvolvimentista em que estas violações são legitimadas. Através da análise bibliográfica, documental e de observação não participante em relação a quem está direta e indiretamente envolvido com as tensões que envolvem o processo de preparação dos megaeventos no Brasil, em especial na cidade de Porto Alegre, pretende-se revelar com maior precisão a realidade enfrentada nessa seara, bem como identificar os fundamentos teóricos que lhes explicam, a fim de concretizar um saber estratégico dos direitos humanos que não se limite aos discursos sociais, mas que se aprofunde em suas causas e apresente argumentos para atuar e gerar disposições efetivamente críticas e antagonistas à estrutura social hegemônica. / The purpose of the present study is to demonstrate that the issue of internal displacements is featured in Brazil as a consequence of forced remotions that go through violations of the human rights of housing and the city, during the process of preparation and execution of sports mega-events, in reason of the developing model addopted by the brazilian State, flagrantly marked by coloniality of power. From that, the research intends to analyze the current displaying of internal displacements around the world, the causes and the main human rights' s violations that occur in this context, as well as the main protection and assistence manifestations adressed to them. Furthermore, it intends to analyze in which measurement the institutions and the modern State features are determined by a colonial matrix of power, therefore allowing a model of progress and development that deepens unequality, conceals identities and silences conflicts. By this notion, we shall verify that this modern/capitalist/colonial model of development adopted by Brazil has got as consequece a pattern of discriminatory, excludent and opressive city modernization process and urban planning, enhanced by the scope of the preparation of major cities of the country for the accomplishment of sports mega-events, specially through compulsory evictions and the violation of the housing right. Besides the verification of traditional causes of forced internal displacements, the need of casting the affected by forced removals such as internally displaced broadens possibilities of legal protection and also collective, subjective and institutional awareness about this matter that, among others, was unveiled by the processes of preparation for the mega-events' execution in Brazil. Based on the theoretical framework of decolonial thought, analyzes the coloniality of power within the category of human rights violations identified in the context of mega-events, from the developmental logic in which these violations are legitimized. Through bibliographic, documental and non-participant observation analysis on who is directly and indirectly involved in the tensions of the process of mega events preparation, specially in the Porto Alegre town, we intend to reveal more precisely the reality faced in this harvest, as well as to identify the theoretical fundamentals which explain them, in order to concretize a strategic knowledge of human rights so it shall not be confined to social speech, but that it deepens in causes and increases arguments to act and generate critical dispositions and antagonists facing the structure or hegemonic social order.