In the first essay, "Why Won't You Forgive Me? Evidence of a Financial Misreporting Stigma in Bank Loan Pricing," we examine the relation between bank loan pricing and intentional financial misreporting. Firms that misreport financial information pay greater spreads on their bank loans for five years following their restatements, whether benchmarked against their pre-restatement loans or similar loans made to matched non-misreporting firms. Misreporting firms that promptly replace certain parties who are potentially related to the misreporting see their spreads fall to benchmark levels within three years following restatement. Large fractions of firms, however, do not promptly replace the potentially related parties and continue to pay premiums over benchmark spread levels for five years following restatement. The results suggest that misreporting creates a long-lasting and costly stigma, but that certain actions can reduce the duration of the stigma. In the second essay, "Can Shareholder-Creditor Conflicts Explain Weak Governance? Evidence from the Value of Cash Holdings," we look into whether shareholder-creditor conflicts generate costs large enough to prevent improvements in governance. If firms choose to remain weakly governed, some cost must prevent improvements. We address our research question by estimating the value of cash as a function of governance, leverage, and the interaction of the two. We find that governance increases the value of cash, but that leverage reduces the gain from strong governance. However, the magnitudes are far too small to explain why weak governance firms remain weakly governed. Our estimates suggest more than 80 percent of weakly governed firms would increase the value of their cash by improving governance. In fact, half of weakly governed firms would increase the value of their cash holdings by $0.35 or more per dollar held by improving governance. Our focus on cash holdings does not seem to drive our results, nor do endogenous governance choices or nonlinearities reverse our conclusions.

This thesis is dealing with how students living in a student corridor experience the circumstances in their corridor. The aim is through interviews with students living in the corridors get a inside look at their situations. I want to examine how changed conditions of life, new meetings and new experiences will influence their personalities. How are the students living in the corridors affected by conflicts and how do they protect themselves from the influence of the rest of the group living there? In addition to that I want to know what they think is important prioritises throughout their student time, like if there are anything important that a student should take time to do beside the studies. In my final discussion in the thesis I will try to present a picture of how a typical student corridor can look like and I will do so with the help of the materials I have received from my informants.

I have conducted a survey of the economic sanctions on Iraq 1990-2003 and focused on how the sanctions were implemented and how economic sanctions work in practice. In particular, I have researched the objectives the United Nations had for implementing economic punishment on Iraq, how they came into use and the outcome of it in brief. As for the million-dollar question: Were the economic sanctions on Iraq efficient and did they “work”? My opinion stands clear that economic sanctions can work in the future. The sanction policy faced major problems in Iraq, but it also disarmed the Iraqi dictator and gave more autonomous power for the Kurds in the north. They did not “work” as the world community had expected, but no one knows what the outcome would have been if the United Nations had not reacted with such determination as they did in this matter. It is easy to be wise after the event, and it is my personal wish that economic sanctions can be used in the future, as an alternative to open war, but with a lower cost in terms of civilian lives.

Ett livligt debatterat ämne är huruvida det var på grund av media som USA förlorade Vietnamkriget. Denna diskussion har skapat ett förhållningssätt mellan försvarsmakter och media världen över. Ett förhållande där journalisterna hävdar att medborgarna har rätt att veta och militären hävdar att soldaten har rätt att leva. Vidare tar de stora världsledarna stora mått och steg i syfte att säkerställa att hemmaopinionen är positivt inställd till deras gärningar. När Saddam Hussein planerade att anfalla Kuwait och i dennes bedömning av omvärldens reaktion, lägger han stor vikt vid hur eventuella intervenerande nationers hemmaopinion skulle inverka på deras deltagande. Mitt syfte med detta arbete är att studera mediarapporteringen i två konflikter, Vietnamkriget och Gulkriget, diskutera kring frågeställningen om vilken påverkan medias rapporteringskaraktär hade på den amerikanska hemmaopinionen i samband med dessa två konflikter. Under arbetets gång kommer jag att använda mig Westley och MacLeans kommunikationsteori samt Daniel C Hallin teori avseende rapporteringssfärer för att studera tre variabler: Presidentpåverkan, TV-påverkan och slutligen Journalistpåverkan. I de båda fallstudierna hittar man likheter och olikheter. Tillvägagångssätten har varit olika men inte sällan har liknande resultat uppnåtts. Skillnaden är egentligen graden av beredskap inför hanteringen av medieuppgiften. I Vietnamkriget är den något trevande hanteringen i del framgångsrik men kan inte mäta sig med den grad av framgång som koalitionens mediehantering uppvisade. Två fundamentalt grundläggande beteenden kan identifieras. Mediehanteringen under Vietnamkriget är att anse som reaktiv i sin hantering samtidigt som densamma under Gulfkriget var att anse som proaktiv. Denna skillnad resulterar i att opinionen på den egna arenan under Gulfkriget blir långt mer hanterbar och generellt mycket mer positiv inställd. Rapporteringskaraktären har en stor inverkan på opinionsbildningen. Där den militärpolitiska intressenten har absolut mest att förlora på en ofördelaktig rapporteringskaraktär. Analysen om journalistpåverkan under Vietnamkriget styrker otvivelaktigt detta. Av de två fallstudierna är resultatet av en förändrad rapporteringskaraktär tydligast här. / One of the most important issues debated in retrospect of the Vietnam war is whether media is to be blamed for the defeat. However, the debate has created a form of antagonistic fellowship between armed forces and media around the world. A fellowship where the media claims the people’s right to know and the military claims the soldiers’ right to live. The arguments importance increases further in view of the steps taken by world leaders in order to keep the home front opinions in favour of their actions. When Saddam Hussein planned to invade Kuwait he took into account how the home opinions of possible nations, who would be likely to intervene, would hamper its leader’s actions on Kuwait’s behalf. The purpose of this work is to study two conflicts, the Vietnam War and the Gulf War, in order to discuss the possible impact media might have had on the home opinion in the USA. During the work I will study the conflict by using the communication theory developed by Westley and McLean and Daniel C Hallin theory of spheres of reporting. These to theories will be used to study the three conceptual factors. These factors have been constructed in order to be able to study conflict by analysing the impact three variables; the President, TV and journalists. In both case studies you find both differences and similarities. The methods of approach have been different, but results not seldom coherent. There is difference is the degree of preparation in handling the media assignment. In the Vietnam War the methods of approach were occasionally successful but nowhere near the degree of success presented in the coalitions way of approach. Two rudimentary methods can be identified. The method of approach in handling media in the Vietnam War is to be labeled as reactive whilst the same during the Gulf War is to be labeled as progressive. This fundamental difference result in the opinion being far more positive and far easier handled during the Gulf War. The character of reporting has an impact on opinion. The military political part is the one with absolutely most at stake in losing favorable public opinion. The analysis on impact of journalism, during the Vietnam War, undoubtedly supports this. Of the two case studies, the result on opinion because of change in reporting character is most easily supported here.

Nowadays modern organizations move in an incredible speed and have to be flexible and adaptable to constantly changing circumstances. Global Virtual Teams (GVTs) have been proved to be one of the means to handle this challenge. While it is said that GVTs bestow an organization with flexibility and enhanced creativity, research proves that the managing of these teams is quite challenging. The modern work stress factor time pressure is said to be omnipresent in nowadays organizations and therefore undoubtedly connected to this. However time pressure within teams has until now been somewhat “under-researched”. This study therefore aims to explore how time pressure is related to the main challenges of GVTs. The qualitative research is based on empirical data collected through 15 interviews with students who participated in a global virtual competition. The main findings show that time pressure affects GVTs and their functioning on several dimensions as well as the challenges connected to the teams can also cause time pressure.

The case study was made in the area of Kiru Valley, Tanzania, in order to study the conflicts over the water in the river Dodumera, and also to understand how the villages Mawemairo, Matufa and Mapea have been affected by the construction of the IFAD irrigation scheme. The aim was to connect the conflicts in the area with a general view of how water can create such conflicts. The method used in the case study was semi-structured interviews. The results from the interviews made with farmers and officials in Kiru Valley was analysed through general theories about water conflicts and theories about governing common-pool resources, such as Ostrom’s eight principles and the theory the Tragedy of the Commons. The analysis was also made through the IFAD poverty reduction strategy programme (PRSP). The conclusion made on the basis of this analysis was that the IFAD project, in Kiru Valley, was in correlation with the PRSP and an attempt to reduce poverty in the two villages Mawemairo and Matufa. The project has been very successful and has contributed to an increase of livelihood and development in the villages. However, the scheme has also affected other villages, such as Mapea. The scheme has contributed to a decrease of water availability in the Dodumera River for Mapea. Nowadays they only rely on rain-fed irrigation. The conflicts have been affected by the scheme, not so much in the quantity of the conflicts but more in the target of the conflicts. Before the construction of the scheme the conflicts was directed at the big-scale farmers, now they are directed at the scheme. On the other hand, the scheme has helped reducing the conflicts between the farmers in Mawemairo and Matufa. There are solutions to conflicts and water scarcity, such as more efficient irrigation techniques and Ostrom’s principles on governing the common-pool resources.

The Casamance conflict for decades has been unable to produce a sustained peace settlement. This project utilised among others, the relative deprivation and basic human needs satisfaction theories respectively and concludes that the conflict is underpinned by relative deprivation, strongly felt and driven by the elite group. Both the current phase as well as in the past, the conflict has been driven and to an extent manipulated by these elite, motivated by self-empowerment. Masked under the struggle of a relatively deprived masses into collective violence, seeded in a classic social conflict of a type rooted in stereotyping, marginalisation and underdevelopment, primarily driven by basic human needs dissatisfaction expressed in terms of the levels of poverty.   These stemmed in part from the colonial pass which set into motion the continuous suppression and segregation of the Casamance region. In particular, of the Diola ethnic identity thus, the conflict’s ethno nationalists dimension. This research presents a deprivation approach strategy to peace making, which among other factors includes addressing the socioeconomic and political causes of the conflict and also one that underscores the relevance of a credible third party involvement to resolving the dispute between a fractured MFDC and a reluctant Government of Senegal.

Vårt syfte med denna studie är att undersöka de kontroverser som uppstått vid vindkraftsetableringar på Västkusten. Detta syfte innefattar frågeställningar om vilka argument och aktörer som är inblandade och vad som formar en aktörs åsikter. Anledningen till att vi valde detta område var på grund av ett förslag vi fick från en konsult inom området. När vi studerat ämnet närmare insåg vi att det existerar kontroverser kring de olika etableringar som skett och även runt de som endast är i planeringsstadiet. Dessutom insåg vi att det inte fanns mycket aktuell forskning inom området. Studien är baserad på material som har insamlats i form av samrådsredogörelser, artiklar, insändare och fyra utförda intervjuer. Tolkning av materialet har skett utifrån en diskursanalys som gett resultat i form av tre olika diskurser inom kontroversen; Miljödiskursen, Lekmannadiskursen och den Ekonomiska diskursen. Det som resultat och analys visar är att aktörer som representerar motståndarna främst är privatpersoner. Förespråkarna är vanligtvis kommuner, företag och andra parter som vill etablera vindkraft. Argumenten som läggs fram av motståndarna är mer lokalt förankrade medan förespråkarna talar om allmännytta och globala intressen. Motståndarna vill generellt sett inte se någon förändring i närmiljön då de anser denna som värdefull natur. Samma natur som förespråkarna istället anser kunna vara vacker även efter en vindkraftsetablering. Våra slutsatser är att kontroversen är uppdelad i två framträdande parter, för och emot. De som är neutrala i frågan har inte kunnat urskiljas i materialet. Förespråkarna och motståndarna tenderar att peka på en ovilja att förstå varandra och en ständig debatt kretsar kring vilka kunskaper och argument som anses vara legitima. Böhler (1998) talar om en orörd natur som en symbol för framtidstro. Inom denna finner vi en paradox då motståndarna argumenterar för en orörd natur, samtidigt som de vill bruka och vistas inom denna. / Our purpose with this study is to investigate the controversy that are generated when construction of wind power are planned on the Swedish west coast. This purpose includes questions about the arguments and the actors involved, and what shapes an actor’s opinions.   The reason why we chose this area were because of a proposal we received from a consultant in the field. When we later on, studied the subject, we realized that there are several cases of conflicts surrounding various establishments of wind power that have taken place. We also found conflicts about those that are in the planning stage. In addition, we realized that there was not much current research in the area.   The study is based upon materials that have been collected in the form of articles, consolation reports, opinion pieces and four interviews. Interpretation of the material has been based on a discourse analysis which results in three different discourses in the controversy; The environmental discourse, the lay discourse and the economic discourse. The results and analysis show that the actors representing the opponents are mainly private individuals. Proponents are usually municipalities, companies and other actors wishing to establish wind power. The arguments presented by the opponents are more locally based, while proponents talk about public benefit and global interests. Opponents would generally not want to see any change in the living area because they see this as a valuable piece of nature. The same nature that the proponents instead consider to be beautiful even after wind plants has been built.   Our conclusions are that the controversy is divided into two major parties, for and against. We have not been able to identify those who are neutral about the subject. Proponents and opponents tend to point to an unwillingness to understand one another and an ongoing debate revolves around what kind of knowledge and arguments are considered to be legitimate. Böhler (1998) speaks if an untouched nature as a symbol of hope for the future. Within this, we find a paradox when the opponents are arguing for unspoiled nature, while they want to use it for recreation and to stay within it.

This essay explores the economical and social paradigms surrounding one of the most influential Nordic border dynastic noble families in the second half of the fifteenth century - the Axelsson Totts. How mercantile possibilities and opportunities offered to them, reflected on their political actions and social bands. The Axelsson brothers of the Tott Dynasty would become of one of the most powerful noble families within the Nordic Union between 1444 och 1487. Axel Pedersen (Tott) would through well chosen marriage alliances into the noble families of both Denmark and Sweden, and with political prowess lay the foundation for one of the most dynamic family empires of the fifteenth century. In the year 1442, the Axelsson brothers swore loyalty to each other; to protect and defend their mercantile and economical interests in Denmark and Sweden. They would eventually control the trading routes in the border areas of the Union, and by exploiting the political chaos within the Union they would gain access and influence to the land trading routes for export and import within the Union and the shipping export routes in the Baltic Sea allowing them access to the Russian market through Finland and Estonia. The island of Gotland, with its tactical and important geographical position in the Baltic Sea became the key to the Nordic Union. Olof Axelsson (Tott) sailing under the Danish flag took possession of Gotland in 1449. Although technically a part of the Danish kingdom, in practice the island would remain independent and under the control of the Axelsson brothers until 1487 when the last surviving brother, Sir Ivar relinquished his rights to Gotland in favor of the Danish monarch, King Hans. The Axelsson brothers (Tott) would hold the key to The Nordic Union for almost four decades. Thus controlling the future of the union within the family by marriage, by political associations within and outside of the Union and most importantly by creating an economical empire based on personal family politics and border gentry aspirations.

In the year of 2006 I moved to South Africa for a year, a land that has fascinated me because of its history. During the time of my stay I became very surprised how strongly apartheid permeates the community where the white South Africans today are building walls around themselves. Through media we get surrounded with pictures that media creates and to find information regarding what’s happening in the world this is, most often, the primary source. Therefore I believe it’s interesting to explore how two different local newspapers from the county of Kalmar, with two different ideologies, present pictures of the same event, namely the revolt of Soweto in 1976 and how these two newspapers relates to racial policies. The revolt of Soweto was a peaceful demonstration against the use of the language Afrikaans, where the police opened fire and killed many children’s and this was the beginning of a wave of dissatisfaction throughout the country. In my review I’m using a comparative method where I’m comparing the articles from these newspapers with each other. I’m also using a postcolonial theory as guidance to understand the racial conflicts in South Africa.