Dans cette thèse a été analysée la relation triangulaire entre le monde politique, l’armée et les médias autour de laquestion particulièrement sensible et controversée de la relation entre la morale et la raison d’Etat. Dans une sociétémondialisée qui a vu émerger une conscience universelle, ces trois acteurs doivent en effet de plus en plus coopérer,bien qu'ils poursuivent des aspirations souvent divergentes. Aux yeux du Politique, par-delà toute autre considération, les intérêts dits « supérieurs de la nation » peuvent primer sur la règle morale. Les impératifs liés à la défense et la sécurité nationale justifient l’existence d’un encadrement juridique dérogatoire au droit commun qui permet au pouvoir exécutif de garder secrètes des informations aux pouvoirs législatif et judiciaire. Les stratégies de défense prises au niveau politique ont des implications directes pour les unités combattantes déployées à l’extérieur du territoire national à qui on demande d’agir conformément aux règles de droit et à l’éthique. Dans une société de l’information, la gestion de la guerre implique également le monde de la presse, pour qui la transparence doit primer. L’équilibre de la relation entre ces acteurs peut être considéré comme un enjeu de la société contemporaine. C’est d’autant plus vrai que les attentes des populations occidentales en matière de morale et d’information sont aujourd’hui particulièrement fortes. Celles-ci sont par ailleurs en demande de sécurité, ce qui peut apparaître comme un paradoxe. Parvenir à une harmonie entre les droits fondamentaux que sont la liberté et la sûreté doit dès lors constituer un axe prioritaire dans la préservation d’un Etat de droit. / In this PhD, we have analysed the triangular relationship between the political world, the army and the media around the very sensitive and controversial issue of morale and reason of State. In a globalized society, which has seen the emergence of a universal consciousness, these three actors must indeed cooperate more and more, although they often pursue divergent goals. In the eyes of the politics, before every other consideration, the so called ‘Superior interests of the nation’ can override moral rules. Imperatives linked to defense and national security justify the existence of a legal framework contrary to common law, which allows the executive power to keep information secret from judicial and legislative powers. In the information society, war management also involvesthe media world, for which transparency should prevail. This is particularly the case since the expectations of occidental populations in terms of morale and information are very strong nowadays. At the same time, theseask for more security, which might appear as a paradox. Ensure harmony between these two fundamental rights, i.e. freedom and security, must thus constitute a priority axis in order to preserve the rule of law.

A presente tese é oriunda de uma análise da obra cinematográfica de Adrian Cowell (1934-2011), sobretudo, a partir das produções inerentes à Amazônia brasileira no período de 1980 a 1990, através da série A década da destruição, bem como as produções documentais mais recentes que revisitam a referida década da destruição e apresentam seus possíveis legados a partir de diferentes resistências e territorialidades da Amazônia Legal brasileira e suas implicações e conexões numa escala mundializada. Dessa maneira, objetivou-se comprovar, no decorrer da referida pesquisa, a importância da obra cinematográfica de Cowell ancorado em quatro dimensões indissociáveis: a primeira visa comprovar que seu acervo cinematográfico é o maior sobre a Amazônia, o segundo versa sobre os intensos e atuais registros dos conflitos no campo, o terceiro remete ao papel das políticas públicas territoriais na Amazônia em consonância com a teoria dos conflitos agrários envolvendo indígenas, posseiros, sem terras, camponeses, entre outras populações extrativistas/tradicionais e, por fim, a última dimensão indica uma contribuição pedagógica, ou seja, os documentários como instrumento de pesquisa, linguagem, denúncia e recurso político-pedagógico para as escolas. Assim, o argumento central da tese é, justamente, defender que a década da destruição proposta por Cowell ultrapassa qualquer limitação temporal, pois constata-se que as terras públicas são constantemente griladas na Amazônia e em outras regiões do país. Por isso, é possível inferir, no decorrer das análises da sua obra cinematográfica em consonância com a revisão bibliográfica, atualização dos dados advindos da Comissão Pastoral da Terra (CPT), bem como trabalhos de campo que as resistências e territorialidades filmadas por Adrian Cowell no período de cinquenta anos (1958-2008) evidenciam uma leitura profícua sobre a teoria dos conflitos agrários na Amazônia, cujas marcas remetem às lutas de classes antagônicas, conflitos ambientais e territoriais e demais contradições no seio da formação da sociedade capitalista. / This thesis is based on an analysis of Adrian Cowells cinematographic work (1934-2011), particularly from the productions inherent to the Brazilian Amazon from 1980 to 1990, through the series - The Decade of Destruction, as well as recent documentary productions that revise the decade of destruction and present their possible legacies from different resistances and territorialities of Brazilian Legal Amazon and its implications and connections on a world scale. Thus, this research aims to prove the importance of Cowell\'s cinematographic work anchored in four inseparable dimensions: the first aims to prove that its cinematographic collection is the largest on the Amazon, the second is about the intense and current records of conflicts in the countryside, the third refers to the role of territorial public policies in the Amazon, in line with the theory of agrarian conflicts involving indigenous, squatters, landless, peasants, among other extractivists/traditional populations, and finally the last dimension indicates a pedagogical contribution, that is, documentaries as instrument of research, language, denunciation and political-pedagogical resource for schools. So, the central argument of the thesis is precisely to defend that the decade of the destruction, proposed by Cowell, exceeds any temporal limitation, since it is shown that public lands are constantly Illegally-held in the Amazon forest and in other regions of the country. Therefore, it is possible to infer, in the course of the analyzes of his cinematographic work, in consonance with the bibliographical revision, to update the data coming from the Pastoral Land Commission (CPT), as well as field works that resistances and territorialities filmed by Adrian Cowell, in the period of fifty (1958-2008), show a fruitful reading on the theory of agrarian conflicts in Amazonia, whose marks refer to struggles of antagonistic classes, environmental and territorial conflicts and other contradictions in the formation of capitalist society.

Cada vez mais brasileiros ingressam no sistema de franquias, buscando alternativas estruturadas para iniciar empreendimento. A partir do início da década de 90, o segmento obteve faturamentos crescentes, o que serviu de estímulo aos empreendedores. Buscando regulamentar a ação das redes, em 1994 foi criada a Lei 8.955, que instituiu princípios básicos do sistema no país, buscando legalizar a atuação das redes de franquia por meio da adequação de seus contratos e padrões de operação. Hoje o sistema conta com 1197 redes de franquias e mais de 65.553 unidades dados que comprovam a força do setor. Este crescimento deixa cada vez mais evidente a necessidade das franqueadoras desenvolverem medidas de soluções efetivas de conflitos em suas redes, visto que o sucesso do sistema é dado à medida em que o franqueado acata as normas do franqueador. Desta maneira, a dissertação identifica quais os conflitos organizacionais mais freqüentes nas redes entrevistadas, realizando observações sobre ações preventivas adotadas. Para tanto, foi realizada uma pesquisa qualitativa, do tipo estudo de caso, em quatro redes de franquias do setor alimentício. Inicialmente, foram pesquisadas fontes secundárias de dados, com o intuito de se estruturar uma revisão teórica que contextualizasse com precisão o panorama atual da estruturação do sistema de franquias no Brasil, bem como fundamentos de prevenção de conflitos pela negociação. Os dados coletados foram analisados pela análise de proposições teóricas. Identificou-se que os principais conflitos das redes são causados por falhas de comunicação entre as partes, contratos desestruturados e por falhas na padronização de produtos da rede Outra constatação foi a de que algumas redes de franquias adotam medidas de prevenção de conflitos que posteriormente podem originar conflitos ainda maiores. / Each year more Brazilians enter the franchise system, seeking alternatives to start structured venture. From the beginning of the 90s the growing segment obtained rising incomes which served as a stimulus to entrepreneurs. Seeking to regulate the action of franchise, was created in 1994 the 8955 Law, establishing basic principles of the system in the country, seeking to legalize performance of franchise through the adequacy of their contracts and standards of operation. Today the system has 1,197 franchise networks and more than 65,553 units - data that show the strength of the sector. This growth makes increasingly clear the need for franchisors to develop effective solutions to conflicts in their networks since the success of the system is given to the extent that the franchisee abides the rules of the franchisor. Thus, the dissertation identifies the most frequent organizational conflict on interviewed networks, making remarks on preventive actions taken. To achieve this, it will place a qualitative research, case study type in four franchises of the food sector. Initially, a secondary data research was done in order to organize a theoretical review able to put into context accurately the current situation of the franchise system structuring in Brazilas well as grounds for resolving disputes by negotiation. Data collected were analyzed by analysis of theoretical propositions. It was identified that the main conflicts of networks are caused by failures of communication between the involved, unstructured contracts and failure of standardization of product in the network. Another finding was that some networks of franchises adopt measures to prevent conflicts that may later cause even greater conflict, and there are differences in the methods of prevention and solution of conflicts in the degree of experience of networks.

O presente estudo objetiva compreender os processos que promoveram as transformações das práticas turísticas na praia de Boa Viagem, em Recife, Capital de Pernambuco, durante a década de 1950, em um momento marcado pela saída da Ditadura Vargas (1937-1945) coetânea com o fim da Segunda Guerra Mundial (1939-1945). Elencando as formas como os sujeitos envolvidos, isto é, as classes de trabalhadores e as Elites locais, além da forte presença do Estado, atuaram para a construção das práticas turísticas. O período de estudo compreende um momento democrático entre dois governos de exceção, marcado pela ascensão das forças políticas esquerdistas, muito fortes em Pernambuco, além da assunção dos vários movimentos populares, os quais criaram um clima de intensas disputas políticas junto às forças conservadoras da tradicional açucarocracia pernambucana, assentada no poder dos usineiros. Buscando recuperar o que era visto como um atraso econômico, presente nos altíssimos níveis de pobreza da maior parte da população, além do enfraquecimento das elites políticas no quadro político nacional, ascendeu, lentamente, um incipiente discurso sobre o Turismo como parte da solução para a recuperação econômica local. A praia de Boa Viagem é a materialização da aplicação desse discurso uma vez que se tornou o território turístico por excelência do Recife, abandonando suas características de área de veraneio das elites locais, mantendo, contudo, a característica de local elitizado. Diante desse quadro, buscamos resgatar quais entendimentos os sujeitos possuíam sobre o que seria o Turismo, o turista, o setor turístico, a prestação de serviços turísticos, os equipamentos e atrações turísticas, entre outros conceitos ainda em formação no próprio meio turístico. Ademais, questionamos o quanto o aspecto relacional entre os sujeitos envolvidos, o Estado, as elites e os trabalhadores, assim como a participação deles, fomentou a construção do Turismo como foi sendo praticado por meio de imposições, cooptações, negociações e exclusões. Além do próprio papel da praia como fenômeno de um discurso de inclusão entre as classes sociais, mas de exclusão da apropriação econômica com o Turismo. Neste sentido, utilizamos como principais fontes de pesquisa, jornais e periódicos, sobretudo a partir da década de 1950. O jornal Diário de Pernambuco foi nossa principal fonte, pois possuía ampla circulação e era visto como a voz das classes dominantes, porque conseguia propor discursos reconhecidos pelas próprias elites da mesma forma que atingia a classe trabalhadora de forma disciplinadora. Como ferramenta para análise, cercamo-nos dos conceitos da Análise do Discurso de orientação foucaultiana, embasando-nos numa perspectiva dialética e relacional entre os sujeitos. No final, foi possível concluir o quanto o Turismo construído e praticado na praia de Boa Viagem, a partir do processo histórico visualizado, reforçou disputas pela apropriação da área da praia pelos trabalhadores, pelas elites e pelo Estado, constituindo-se num território turístico cujo discurso prefacia uma suposta democratização do uso da praia para lazer, mas que, contudo, exclui parte dos sujeitos da apropriação econômica promovida por esse mesmo Turismo / This study aims to understand the processes that promoted the transformation of tourism practices at Boa Viagem beach in Recife, capital of Pernambuco, during the 1950s, at a time marked by the end of Vargas Dictatorship (1937-1945) coeval with the end of World War II (1939-1945). The studied period comprises a democratic moment between two governments of exception, marked by the rise of leftist political forces, very strong in Pernambuco, plus the assumption of many popular movements, which created an environment of intense political disputes with the conservative forces of the traditional sugar aristocracy of Pernambuco, which was settled in the power of sugar mill owners. Seeking to recover what was seen as an economic backwardness, present in very high levels of poverty of most of the population, besides the weakening of the political elites in the national political framework, an incipient speech on tourism as part of the solution to local economic recovery rose slowly. Boa Viagem beach is the materialization of this speech application since it became the touristic area par excellence of Recife, leaving its characteristics of summer place for the local elites, but maintaining the characteristic of elitist area. Upon this scenery, we sought to rescue the kind of understanding the subjects had of what would be tourism; tourists; tourism industry; provision of touristic services, equipment and attractions; among other concepts still to be formed in the touristic environment itself. Furthermore, we questioned how deeply the relational aspect between the involved subjects - the State, the elite and the workers, as well as their participation - promoted the construction of Tourism as it was being practiced, through impositions, cooptation, negotiations and exclusions; besides the role of the beach as a phenomenon of a discourse of inclusion among the social classes, but of exclusion from the economic appropriation with the Tourism. In this sense, we used, as sources of research, newspapers and periodicals, especially the ones from the 1950s. The newspaper Diario de Pernambuco was our main source, as it was highly popular and was seen as the \"voice\" of the ruling classes, because it was able to propose speeches recognized by the elites, and at the same time to struck the working class in a disciplinarian way. As a tool for analysis, we embraced the concepts of Speech Analysis under Foucaults guidance, basing ourselves in a dialectical and relational perspective between subjects. In the end, we were able to conclude how the tourism built and practiced at Boa Viagem beach, from the displayed historical process, reinforced disputes over the appropriation of the beach area, becoming a touristic territory whose speech prefaces a supposed democratization of the use of beach for leisure, but which, however, excludes some of the subjects from the economic appropriation promoted by that Tourism

Neste trabalho, objetiva-se uma reflexão sobre o modelo Juruti Sustentável proposta de modelo para o desenvolvimento local sustentável, proposto pela empresa mineradora Alcoa, em meados da década de 2000, quando da instalação do Projeto Mina de Juruti no município de Juruti, oeste do estado do Pará. Suas bases se fundam na ideia de sustentabilidade e em premissas específicas relacionadas à abordagem de território, conflitos ambientais e participação social. Tal reflexão parte i) da contextualização de conceitos e ideias-chave do campo de estudos do desenvolvimento; ii) da contextualização histórica e geográfica da região amazônica e das dinâmicas decorrentes dos modelos de desenvolvimento aplicados à região, em especial ligadas à mineração em escala industrial; iii) dos conflitos ambientais e debate sobre participação social; e iv) de referências locais a partir de entrevistas e observações em campo. / The focus of this study is the Juruti Sustentável model (Sustainable Juruti), a sustainable local development model which, in 2005, was proposed by the mining company Alcoa when establishing the Juruti Mine Project, located in Para state, Brazil. The model is fundamentally based on the concept of sustainability, and specific assumptions related to processes for planning, environmental conflicts and stakeholder participation. In considering this model, the study contextualizes i) concepts and key ideas, and places them within a development study framework; ii) the relative history and geography of the Amazon region, in addition to the dynamics that have arisen as a result of development models being implemented in the region, especially related to large scale mining; iii) environmental conflicts and debate surrounding stakeholder participation; and iv) locallysourced information drawn from interviews and field observations.

La présente thèse traite de l'implication des femmes dans la résolution des conflits au Congo Brazzaville. Elle révèle les divers mécanismes à travers lesquels, l'élite féminine congolaise a contribué à résoudre les conflits sociopolitiques dans le pays. Ainsi elle souligne le rôle social des femmes Congolaises dans les luttes d'émancipation nationale. En étudiant successivement la socio-genèse du conflit et les réseaux des différents protagonistes, puis l'implication de cette élite en contournant les acteurs politiques à travers les associations, appuyées par les ONG et enfin l'occupation de l'espace public; cette thèse rend compte des logiques sociales, de la transformation sociétale et de la domination masculine dans ses états: institutionnalisé, objectivé et incorporé. Par conséquent, elle appréhende simultanément la dimension étatique et l'influence religieuse généralement séparées par la spécialisation des objets d'étude et des méthodes d'investigation; histoire sociopolitique et sociographique du pays, approche statistique et anthropologie sociale et politique. / This thesis deals with the involvement of women in conflict resolution in Congo brazzaville. It revaeals the various mechanisms through which the Congolese elite Women helped solne socio-politcal conflicts in the country. And it emphasizes the social role of Congolese Women in the struggle for national emancipation. Successively studing sociogenesis conflict and networks of different political actors through associations supported by Ong and finaly the occupation of public space. This theis reports on the social logic of societal transformation and male domination in its forms institutionalized and objectified and incorporated. Therefore it simultaneously captures the state dimension and religious influence generally separated by specialization objects of study and investigation methods socio-political and socio-graphic history statistical approach and social and political anthropology.

O presente estudo objetiva compreender os processos que promoveram as transformações das práticas turísticas na praia de Boa Viagem, em Recife, Capital de Pernambuco, durante a década de 1950, em um momento marcado pela saída da Ditadura Vargas (1937-1945) coetânea com o fim da Segunda Guerra Mundial (1939-1945). Elencando as formas como os sujeitos envolvidos, isto é, as classes de trabalhadores e as Elites locais, além da forte presença do Estado, atuaram para a construção das práticas turísticas. O período de estudo compreende um momento democrático entre dois governos de exceção, marcado pela ascensão das forças políticas esquerdistas, muito fortes em Pernambuco, além da assunção dos vários movimentos populares, os quais criaram um clima de intensas disputas políticas junto às forças conservadoras da tradicional açucarocracia pernambucana, assentada no poder dos usineiros. Buscando recuperar o que era visto como um atraso econômico, presente nos altíssimos níveis de pobreza da maior parte da população, além do enfraquecimento das elites políticas no quadro político nacional, ascendeu, lentamente, um incipiente discurso sobre o Turismo como parte da solução para a recuperação econômica local. A praia de Boa Viagem é a materialização da aplicação desse discurso uma vez que se tornou o território turístico por excelência do Recife, abandonando suas características de área de veraneio das elites locais, mantendo, contudo, a característica de local elitizado. Diante desse quadro, buscamos resgatar quais entendimentos os sujeitos possuíam sobre o que seria o Turismo, o turista, o setor turístico, a prestação de serviços turísticos, os equipamentos e atrações turísticas, entre outros conceitos ainda em formação no próprio meio turístico. Ademais, questionamos o quanto o aspecto relacional entre os sujeitos envolvidos, o Estado, as elites e os trabalhadores, assim como a participação deles, fomentou a construção do Turismo como foi sendo praticado por meio de imposições, cooptações, negociações e exclusões. Além do próprio papel da praia como fenômeno de um discurso de inclusão entre as classes sociais, mas de exclusão da apropriação econômica com o Turismo. Neste sentido, utilizamos como principais fontes de pesquisa, jornais e periódicos, sobretudo a partir da década de 1950. O jornal Diário de Pernambuco foi nossa principal fonte, pois possuía ampla circulação e era visto como a voz das classes dominantes, porque conseguia propor discursos reconhecidos pelas próprias elites da mesma forma que atingia a classe trabalhadora de forma disciplinadora. Como ferramenta para análise, cercamo-nos dos conceitos da Análise do Discurso de orientação foucaultiana, embasando-nos numa perspectiva dialética e relacional entre os sujeitos. No final, foi possível concluir o quanto o Turismo construído e praticado na praia de Boa Viagem, a partir do processo histórico visualizado, reforçou disputas pela apropriação da área da praia pelos trabalhadores, pelas elites e pelo Estado, constituindo-se num território turístico cujo discurso prefacia uma suposta democratização do uso da praia para lazer, mas que, contudo, exclui parte dos sujeitos da apropriação econômica promovida por esse mesmo Turismo / This study aims to understand the processes that promoted the transformation of tourism practices at Boa Viagem beach in Recife, capital of Pernambuco, during the 1950s, at a time marked by the end of Vargas Dictatorship (1937-1945) coeval with the end of World War II (1939-1945). The studied period comprises a democratic moment between two governments of exception, marked by the rise of leftist political forces, very strong in Pernambuco, plus the assumption of many popular movements, which created an environment of intense political disputes with the conservative forces of the traditional sugar aristocracy of Pernambuco, which was settled in the power of sugar mill owners. Seeking to recover what was seen as an economic backwardness, present in very high levels of poverty of most of the population, besides the weakening of the political elites in the national political framework, an incipient speech on tourism as part of the solution to local economic recovery rose slowly. Boa Viagem beach is the materialization of this speech application since it became the touristic area par excellence of Recife, leaving its characteristics of summer place for the local elites, but maintaining the characteristic of elitist area. Upon this scenery, we sought to rescue the kind of understanding the subjects had of what would be tourism; tourists; tourism industry; provision of touristic services, equipment and attractions; among other concepts still to be formed in the touristic environment itself. Furthermore, we questioned how deeply the relational aspect between the involved subjects - the State, the elite and the workers, as well as their participation - promoted the construction of Tourism as it was being practiced, through impositions, cooptation, negotiations and exclusions; besides the role of the beach as a phenomenon of a discourse of inclusion among the social classes, but of exclusion from the economic appropriation with the Tourism. In this sense, we used, as sources of research, newspapers and periodicals, especially the ones from the 1950s. The newspaper Diario de Pernambuco was our main source, as it was highly popular and was seen as the \"voice\" of the ruling classes, because it was able to propose speeches recognized by the elites, and at the same time to struck the working class in a disciplinarian way. As a tool for analysis, we embraced the concepts of Speech Analysis under Foucaults guidance, basing ourselves in a dialectical and relational perspective between subjects. In the end, we were able to conclude how the tourism built and practiced at Boa Viagem beach, from the displayed historical process, reinforced disputes over the appropriation of the beach area, becoming a touristic territory whose speech prefaces a supposed democratization of the use of beach for leisure, but which, however, excludes some of the subjects from the economic appropriation promoted by that Tourism

Examining the phenomenon of post-conflict reconstruction, the research challenges the appropriateness of the uniform application of general policies and practices to any particular environment. As a context- and conflict-dependant practice, a post-conflict reconstruction that aims at achieving lasting peace and sustainable development should address specific needs through relevant mechanisms. This is especially relevant for post-ethnic-conflict cases. The thesis argues that post-conflict reconstruction after an ethnic conflict should address as a matter of priority the problems related to the recovery or construction of societal micro-frameworks with respect to the macro-unit in focus. Based on the explored concepts of social capital, a model outlining its specific fragmentation after an ethnic conflict is elaborated and the research discusses the mechanisms that have the potential to contribute to the achievement of planned and desired reconstruction outcomes and levels of success. To test the theory against empirical findings, the case of Bosnia and Herzegovina is examined, as it provides good examples for the negative impact of ethnic conflict on macro and micro socio-political levels and for the discrepancies between expected and achieved results. The reconstruction practice in Bosnia and Herzegovina is considered in the context of policies and programmes designed and implemented by representatives of the international and local community, with a focus on the efforts directed towards social capital rebuilding.

Rarement phénomène social n’a été aussi captivant, passionnant, émouvant et en même temps truffé d’autant de contradictions et de conflits que le sport au Cameroun. En effet, d’une génération à une autre, cette pratique s’est traduite tantôt comme un facteur de cohésion nationale, tantôt comme vecteur de division et de troubles de toutes natures.Au demeurant, les exploits inattendus et inespérés engrangés dans ce domaine au cours des trois dernières décennies avaient fini par construire des représentations sociales tendant à faire du Cameroun un pays de sport, un grand pays sportif. Ce mouvement s’est traduit de manière concrète par la présence de ses athlètes et équipes dans les compétitions internationales. De manière évidente, la notoriété qui en a suivi donnait ainsi l’opportunité à ce pays de mieux organiser son sport, afin de maintenir cette belle image conquise par l’abnégation de ses acteurs sportifs.Or, l’on constate de manière paradoxale que les exploits et les résultats de ces athlètes n’ont pas produit les fruits escomptés, en raison de l’embrigadement des instances dirigeantes dans d’inextricables luttes et conflits internes. Ces jouxtes généralisées et pernicieuses ont donc empêché le sport de s’y développer de manière harmonieuse et professionnelle, et conséquemment de permettre aux principaux acteurs de vivre décemment de cette activité.La présente étude effectue l’analyse de l’organisation et du fonctionnement de ces instances dirigeantes, à partir des textes en vigueur et des faits recueillis sur le terrain. Elle est fondamentalement tournée vers la recherche appliquée, et prend pour principal socle épistémologique, l’analyse documentaire.Cette démarche a globalement permis de mieux décrypter d’une part l’origine de ces conflits et de bien comprendre d’autre part, les modes et modalités de règlements y afférents. En particulier, elle a débouché sur la mise exergue les conflits liés aux élections, ceux liés au sport proprement dit et enfin ceux liés au contentieux administratif et financier. Dans le même ordre d’idées, la définition même de la nature et du type de conflits sportifs du Cameroun a constitué à n’en point douter l’obstacle épistémologique majeur à surmonter, en raison de l’inexistence de travaux spécialisés ou une jurisprudence consacrée sur cette question. Par ailleurs, la mise en évidence de l’arbitrabilité ou non de ces conflits a permis de disséquer, faits et éléments de jurisprudence à l’appui, les institutions, les méthodes, et procédures mises en place pour leur résolution.Au total, il y a lieu de faire observer que le mouvement sportif au Cameroun est traversé par d’inextricables conflits qui entravent de manière considérable son déploiement, et, les modes de règlements à géométrie variable que l’on y retrouve en permanence constituent l’exacte traduction du désarroi sportif dans lequel ce pays est embourbé depuis lors. Aussi bien, les atermoiements et les interminables conflits de toutes natures qui traversent en ces jours l’organisation de la Coupe d’Afrique des Nations prévue au Cameroun en 2019 témoignent, grandeur nature, d’un environnement particulièrement défavorable au développement du mouvement sportif au Cameroun. Les suggestions que nous faisons s’inscrivent dans un processus de long terme, et ne pourraient être véritablement pertinentes et efficaces qu’avec la refonte totale du système sportif national et surtout, son arrimage aux standards internationaux en la matière. / There is seldom any event as captivating, fascinating, touching and at the same time riddled with so many contradictions as sports in Cameroon. In fact, from one generation to another, sports has sometimes been considered as a factor of national cohesion and sometimes as a seed of division and all sorts of discord. If we look at it closely, the unexpected achievements, which no one dreamt of, that have been done in this field over the last three decades eventually led to the social tendency to portray Cameroon as a sports country, a great sports country. In concrete terms, this has resulted in the participation of its athletes and teams in international competitions. The resulting fame thus gave the country the opportunity to better organise its sports, in order to maintain this beautiful image earned by the selflessness of its athletes.Paradoxically, however, it is observed that the achievements of these athletes have not produced the expected results, due to the involvement of governing bodies in unending internal struggles and conflicts. In fact, the recurrence of conflicts and disputes within Cameroonian sports bodies is a real problem, both in terms of stakeholders` fulfilment and infrastructure development. These widespread and pernicious issues have thus prevented sports from developing in a professional way and enabling its main actors to make a decent living from it.This study aims to analyse the organisation and functioning of these bodies based on texts in force and facts on the ground, in order to better identify the origin of these conflicts and to understand the ways of resolving them.The documentary analysis that we used as theoretical framework for this study made it possible to highlight conflicts related to elections, sports proper and finally, administrative and financial litigation respectively. Moreover, defining the nature and type of sports conflicts in Cameroon has been undoubtedly a major epistemological obstacle since the review of related literature showed little or no previous work on this issue.Moreover, highlighting the question of whether or not these conflicts can be settled by arbitration has enabled an analysis of the institutions, methods, and procedures put in place for their resolution, based on facts and legal precedents.Finally, it is to be said that the sports movement in Cameroon is experiencing endless conflicts that significantly hamper its operation and, the various ways of regulation that are observed are a reflection of the confusion in which the country`s sports practice is mired

O objetivo da presente pesquisa é examinar qual a associação entre quatro diferentes tipos de conflitos de agência previamente estudados pela literatura de governança: entrincheiramento do gestor, consumo de perquisites, decisões de liquidez e tomada de risco. Para tanto, inicialmente detalharam-se a origem e as diferenças entre esses quatro conflitos estudados. A seguir, fez-se a revisão de diferentes mecanismos de governança corporativa potencialmente capazes de mitigar esses conflitos. Também se identificaram, ao nível do país, índices de proteção à riqueza e aos direitos dos investidores acionistas e credores que a literatura anterior comumente sugere serem capazes de mitigar esses conflitos. Ao todo, foram analisadas 7.994 firmas de 35 países entre os anos 2010 e 2013 (aproximadamente, 22.000 observações-ano). Ao longo do trabalho, cinco diferentes hipóteses de pesquisa foram discutidas e testadas. Resumidamente, encontraram-se evidências consistentes de que gestores entrincheirados mantêm maiores níveis de liquidez e que maiores níveis de liquidez estão associados com maior consumo de perquisites. Há evidências também de que o entrincheiramento do gestor, via alta concentração de propriedade acionária e via participação no conselho de administração, altera suas preferências de consumo de perquisites e de risco. Em geral, essa tese sugere que os conflitos de agência estão associados e que, especialmente, o entrincheiramento do gestor altera suas preferências em relação aos três outros conflitos. / The purpose of this research is to investigate what is the association between four agency con icts that are studied by previous corporate governance literature: managerial entrenchment, perquisites consumption, cash holdings and risk-taking. Initially, I detail the source and di erences between these agency con icts. Then, I discuss different types of governance mechanisms that are potential candidates to mitigate these con icts. Furthermore, I collect and discuss country-level investor protection indices that relate to the protection of shareholders' and the creditors' rights, and that help to mitigate these con icts. The nal sample contains 7.994 rms from 35 countries analyzed from 2010 until 2013 (almost 22.000 year-observations). I discuss and empirically test ve hypothesis. In a nutshell, there is consistent evidence that entrenched managers choose higher levels of cash holdings, and that cash holdings are positively associated with perquisites consumption. There is also evidence that managerial entrenchment, either via high managerial ownership concentration or via CEO duality, changes managers' preferences over the consumption of perquisites and risk-taking. In general, this thesis suggests that di erent agency con icts are associated and that entrenchment a ects managerial preferences over the three remaining conflicts.