published_or_final_version / Chinese / Master / Master of Philosophy

Thesis (Ph. D.)--University of Oregon, 2007. / Typescript. Includes vita and abstract. Includes bibliographical references (leaves 205-212). Also available online in Scholars' Bank; and in ProQuest, free to University of Oregon users.

Thesis (M. Phil.)--University of Hong Kong, 2000. / Includes bibliographical references (leaves 125-129).

Thesis (Ph. D.)--University of Chicago, Divinity School, March 2000. / Includes bibliographical references. Also available on the Internet.

Thesis (M.A.)--Memorial University of Newfoundland. / Typescript. Bibliography: leaves [88]-94. Also available online.

Thesis (M.Phil.)--Hong Kong University of Science and Technology, 2007. / Includes bibliographical references (leaves 129-132). Also available in electronic version.

In late Qing period（1800-1911）, Confucianism confronted challenges from different aspects.Thus,the transition of Confucianism was the main concert at that time.The method of transition varied in different areas. This thesis focous on the transition of Confucianism in Sichuan province. Liu Yuan (1768-1855) ,who was called "the Confucius in western Sichuan", was a typical case to indicate the transition of Confucianism in Sichuan province.He integrated the three teachings to reestablish the orthodoxy of sagehood(sheng xue聖學正統)，which was the main feature of his intellectual thought. Specifically speaking, the following questions are the main concerns of the author. Firstly , why and how did Liu Yuan integrate the three teachings? Secondly, by integrating Taoism and Buddhism into Confucianism, what peculiarity did he transform into Confucianism? Thirdly, through the case study of Liu Yuan, what intellectual features of Sichuan scholars can we observe? There is a consensus that the integration of the three teachings is the most typical characteristic of Liu Yuan's intellectual thought. However, from different angles, different scholars came to opposite conclusions. Generally speaking, those who consider Liu Yuan as a Taoist highly evaluated him.Whereas, those who judged from the angle of Confucian philosophy consider him unrespectable. Given the opposite evaluations, this thesis proposes a syncretic perspective to establish a whole view, which brings up some basic questions to be clarified at the first place, namely the aim and the rationality of the whole syncretic system. Then, how Liu Yuan interpreted self-cultivation, the core of his integration, and how his interpretation influenced Confucianism are the following questions .The first and last chapters are the instruction and conclusion, which raises research questions and summarizes the arguments of the thesis respectively. Chapter two and three focus on the reason and rationality of integration. The juxtaposition of Confucianism, Taoism and Buddhism was to distinguish the orthodoxy from heterodoxy, rather than to assimilate the three teachings indiscriminately. Liu Yuan challenged the criticism of the unreasonability and superficiality of integration, which is one of the contributions of Liu Yuan in intellectual history. To prove the rationality of integration, Liu Yuan interpreted the images of sages (Kongzi and Laozi) as a fuse of Taoist and Confucian characters. Besides, he maintained the traditional notion that Kongzi learnt from Laozi. Based on the foundation of the previous two chapters, chapter four to seven focus on the spread of self-cultivation (Gongfu 功夫), the core of Liu Yuan's integration. Rethinking the way of self-cultivation arose by Neo-Confucianism, Liu Yuan argued that the knowledge of sages was not limited to Confucianism, let alone Neo-Confucianism, so was the pathway of self-cultivation. Furthermore, his reinterpretation of the way of restoring human nature (復性) combined Confucian and Taoist methods. The three teachings were integrated into his new construction, which resulted in the transformation of exegetical strategy of Confucian cannon and the method of self-cultivation, the most important topics of Confucianism. Confucian cannon was viewed as an allegory, whose meaning can never be attained by philological or philosophical approaches. As for self-cultivation, traditional methods of Confucianism such as accomplishing human nature (Jin Xing盡性)and performing ritual responsibility (Dun Lun敦倫)were both reinterpreted. To sum up, Liu Yuan was a practitioner of Confucianism in Sichuan province.By interpreting Confucian classics in a pragmatic fashion, he reestablished the sage orthodoxy ,which was integrated by Confucianism, Taoism and Buddihism. Through the case study of Liu Yuan, we can come to a conclusion that mysterious but not empty was the main feature of Confucianism in Sichuan province = 晚清時期（1800-1911），儒學的傳統價值體系面臨著巨大的挑戰。如何改寫舊傳統，以形塑新傳統，是儒學轉型時期的核心命題。其中，在不同的地域，表現出不同的轉型路徑。本文以劉沅爲研究對象，聚焦於晚清時期的四川儒學。劉沅（1768-1855）被稱作「川西夫子」，其思想可作為四川儒學的典型代表。本文將揭示其重建「聖學正統」的學術關懷，從學術思想史的角度，把握其和會三教思想的特色。本論文將完成以下預期目標：第一，從三教交涉視角出發，定位劉沅的學術思想。其在儒學史上的重要意義在於功夫論的重鑄。第二，探討劉沅「和會三教」思想，對儒家解經方法與修養方法的轉變。第三，從劉沅「和會三教」思想中，把握蜀地「玄而不虛」的學風。「和會三教」是劉沅學術思想的最突出的特徵，學界對此持一致的看法。然而，現代學者從三教中儒家或道教的角度出發，對劉沅的評價眾說紛紜。從儒家視角出發，劉沅被指責在理論上並無大的推進。從道教視角出發，則認為劉沅創立劉門教，是相當重要的宗教家。針對此現狀，本文認為由於劉沅提倡「和會三教」，單一的儒學或者道教視角並不能把握劉沅思想的全貌。因此，本文從三教交涉視角出發，研究劉沅學術思想，及其中所反映出來的晚清儒學的轉變。從和會三教視角出發，首先回應劉沅為什麼要提出「和會三教」，以及怎樣證明三教間可和會的合理性這兩個問題。此爲劉沅建構新思想體系的平台。繼而，劉沅之和會三教，對傳統儒學命題帶來什麼轉變？此爲劉沅思想的獨特之處。「和會三教」既是本文的視角，也是貫穿全文的思想脈絡。本文除第一章緒論與最後一章結論外，正文部分共分為六章。第二、三章先對劉沅和會三教的動機以及其合理性加以申論說明，此爲劉沅所建構的新思想體系平台。文章開宗明義地指出，劉沅提倡「和會三教」的出發點是重建三教融會的聖學正統。和會三教，並非把三教不加分辨地融合爲一體，而是從中辨明正統與異端的界限。爲了論證聖學正統的合理性，劉沅從文獻記載中老孔間的師承關係出發，通過儒家、道家雙方的各自展述，而使得儒道兩家聖人融為一體。第四至七章，從劉沅「和會三教」的核心之處----功夫論出發，探討劉沅如何重鑄功夫論，及其對儒學傳統的內涵所帶來的轉變。對宋明理學功夫的反思，是重鑄功夫論的思想背景。在此基礎上，劉沅融合儒道思想而重鑄復性功夫。其所重鑄之功夫論在解經方法、修養方法兩方面改變了儒學的傳統內涵。解經方法方面，訓詁、義理的方法都不足以得到聖人真義，而提出實踐聖人之事的「身心實功」的解經方法。修養方法方面，論證劉沅對儒學的轉變。儒家的內在心性、外在的倫常秩序，都被改變。擴而言之，從修養方法中，還可以看出儒道、儒佛間的會通與界限。通過對劉沅儒學思想的分析與定位，從中可以看到晚清儒學在四川這一特定地域中展現的獨特性。和會三教思想中體現出劉沅重建聖學正統的學術關懷。他以「身心實功」爲解經方法，重整儒道釋三教的思想資源，尤重盡性、敦倫兩方面的實踐，是一位通過詮釋儒家經典，在川地推行儒家道德倫常的實踐者.

Fr. Angelo Andrea Zottoli S. J. (Chao De Li晁德蒞 , 1826-1902), was an Italian Jesuit missionary who arrived in Zi-ka-wei (Xujiahui 徐家匯, Shanghai), on September 1848. He played a major role in the community of Zi-ka-wei as an educator and an erudite sinologist. This project aims to highlight his writings on creation ex nihilo (out of nothing) by God and his perspective on cosmogony since it had been a crucial and constant topic of his theological and philosophical writings. In fact, just one year after his arrival, in 1849 Zottoli started to work on theological texts on Roman Catholic cosmogony adopting, however, a very usual and common theological approach in accordance with the education of the Jesuits of his community. Subsequently, in 1879, he published his Cursus, a course in five volumes on Chinese literature for European missionaries, discussing also Confucian and neo-Confucian cosmogony. However, already in 1869, in his Qu pi xun meng 《取譬訓蒙》, he expressed his vision on Roman Catholic cosmogony adopting terms from Confucian cosmogony, like hua cheng 化成 to express the idea of creation ex nihilo. As a result, this project aims to reveal the creative approach of Zottoli on cosmogony and, at the same time, his role as a transmitter of the Jesuit spirituality in the late Qing dynasty China. It aims also to unfold the personal journey of Zottoli who had been deeply influenced by Chinese philosophy in his writings on cosmogony and creation.

111 pages / The Zuozhuan 评论 (Zuo Commentaries); a narrative history of China's Spring and Autumn period (722-479 BCE), has been included among the thirteen classics of Confucianism since the Tang dynasty. Yet its pages contain numerous references to Shang and early Zhou divination practices. It seems paradoxical that a text identified with Confucian humanism would be full of references to the supernatural. I suggest that the Zuozhuan builds upon the foundations of the authority of Shang and Zhou ritual to establish the authority of Confucian doctrine. This phenomenon has been mentioned by other scholars, though no study has addressed this directly. It is the goal of this thesis to use passages in the Zuozhuan to demonstrate how authority moved from an external source to an internal source during the Eastern Zhou and to show that Zuozhuan makes use of something that Lakoff and Johnson have called idealized cognitive models.

陶國璋. / 手稿本(cops. 2-3複印本) / Thesis (M.A.)--香港中文大學. / Shou gao ben (cops. 2-3 fu yin ben) / Includes bibliographical references: leaves i-x, 1-20 (5th & 6th group) / Tao Guozhang. / Thesis (M.A.)--Xianggang Zhong wen da xue. / 緒言 --- p.i / Chapter 第一章 --- 道德價值的意義 / Chapter 一 --- 行為科學對人的了解 --- p.1 / Chapter 二 --- 分析倫理學的道德進路 --- p.10 / Chapter 三 --- 人的價值現象 --- p.21 / Chapter 第二章 --- 康德的道德哲學 / Chapter 第一部 --- 康德哲學的架構性 / Chapter 一 --- 前言 --- p.26 / Chapter 二 --- 康德哲學的主要課題 --- p.29 / Chapter 三 --- 康德哲學的指導性原則 --- p.33 / Chapter 四 --- 第一批判的對象問題 --- p.42 / Chapter 第二部 --- 第二批判的理論內部 / Chapter 一 --- 前言 --- p.54 / Chapter 二 --- 純粹實踐理性的原則 --- p.56 / Chapter 三 --- 檢討康德道德哲學的進度 --- p.71 / Chapter 四 --- 第二批判的分析部的總結 --- p.83 / Chapter 五 --- 實踐理性的對象問題 --- p.88 / Chapter 第三章 --- 康德哲學的檢討 / Chapter 一 --- 康德安立道德的分位 --- p.95 / Chapter 二 --- 康德道德哲學的局限 --- p.100 / Chapter 三 --- 康德系統的理論後果 --- p.112 / Chapter 四 --- 牟宗三先生對現象與物自身區分的重新規定 --- p.122 / Chapter 四之一： --- 萊布尼茲的現象與自身的區分 --- p.123 / Chapter 四之二： --- 洛克的現象與物自身的區分 --- p.128 / Chapter 四之三： --- 康德的現象與物自身的區分 --- p.129 / Chapter 五 --- 「物自身」一詞的釐清 --- p.135 / Chapter 六 --- 牟宗三先生對現象與物自身的分判 --- p.140 / Chapter 第四章 --- 佛家般若智（智的直覺）的意義 / Chapter 一 --- 佛家的基本心態 --- p.159 / Chapter 二 --- 般若經的性格 --- p.163 / Chapter 三 --- 中道觀 --- p.173 / Chapter 四 --- 「八相」與「八不」 --- p.182 / Chapter 五 --- 般若三智義 --- p.190 / Chapter 六 --- 本章總結 --- p.201 / Chapter 第五章 --- 道德的形上學 / Chapter 一 --- 康德對「形上學全部系統」的分判 --- p.207 / Chapter 二 --- 康德對智的直覺的規定 --- p.214 / Chapter 三 --- 智的直覺與物自身的能所關係 --- p.220 / Chapter 四 --- 儒家的良知與康德的「良心」比較 --- p.224 / Chapter 五 --- 儒家對知體明覺（智的直覺）的肯定 --- p.229 / Chapter 六 --- 本心之無對性、虛靈性和涵蓋性 --- p.233 / Chapter 七 --- 儒家的道德的形上學(Moral Metaphysics) --- p.237 / Chapter 八 --- 總結 --- p.245