Existant auparavant sur le plan constitutionnel au mieux à l’état latent, sous forme de principe fondamental reconnu par les lois de la République voire sous forme de coutume constitutionnelle, le principe constitutionnel de francité de la langue de la République existe expressément dans notre droit positif depuis la révision de la Loi fondamentale du 25 juin 1992 sous la formule apotropaïque « la langue de la République est le français ». Sa constitutionnalité expressément sécurisée, et ne pouvant être mise en doute, pourrait même se muer en supra-constitutionnalité, dès lors que ce concept serait admissible en droit français. Mais en dépit de sa constitutionnalisation, le principe de francité de la langue de la République ne trouve pas à étendre tous ses effets potentiels dans la sphère infra-constitutionnelle, paradoxalement freiné dans son déploiement par différents acteurs, notamment par le Conseil constitutionnel lui-même. Sa constitutionnalité s’y figure ainsi minimisée. La négligence de cette constitutionnalité du principe, décelable dans cette dimension verticale, se révèle également dans une dimension horizontale, puisque sa constitutionnalité est peu ou mal utilisée dans la sphère constitutionnelle elle-même. Sur un plan purement interne, non seulement elle ne permet qu’une reconnaissance falote de ce principe cardinal comme droit ou liberté constitutionnellement garanti, mais au surplus elle n’est malheureusement pas vue comme constitutive d’une garantie essentielle à l’efficience d’autres règles et principes, notamment d’autres droits et libertés, de valeur constitutionnelle. Or, la francité de la langue de la République, par son objet même et l’acquisition de sa valeur constitutionnelle, le permet indubitablement. En outre, sur un plan moins exclusivement interne, sa constitutionnalité n’a toujours pas permis d’y voir un principe ou une règle inhérent à l’identité constitutionnelle de la France, alors qu’il est en théorie l’élément-phare de cette catégorie à vocation défensive encore fantôme. Par ailleurs, d’un point de vue plus offensif, la francité de la langue de la République cherche ingénument à s’exporter grâce à sa constitutionnalité, alors qu’elle ne le peut justement pas sur ce point, par essence, en tant que principe juridique strictement propre à notre République circumterrestre. La constitutionnalité de ce principe - protéiforme - de francité de la langue de la République a donc été depuis sa naissance l’objet d’une négligence préjudiciable qu’il a fallu révéler afin d’y remédier. / Formerly existing in the constitutional field at best in a latent state, as a fundamental principle acknowledged in the laws of the Republic or as a constitutional custom, the constitutional principle of Frenchness of the language of the Republic expressly exists in our inner law since the revision of the Constitution of June 25th, 1992 through the formula "the language of the Republic shall be French". Thus its constitutionality is secured, what cannot be questioned, and could even change into supraconstitutionality, if this concept was admitted in French law. But in spite of its incorporation into the Constitution, the principle of Frenchness of the language of the Republic does not spread all its potential effects into the infra-constitutional sphere, paradoxically slowed down in its deployment, notably by the Constitutional Council. So, its constitutionality is clearly minimized.The carelessness of this constitutionality of the principle, detectable through that vertical approach, is also visible in a horizontal approach : indeed, its constitutionality is badly used in the constitutional sphere. On an internal level, it allows a weak acknowledgment of this fundamental principle as right or freedom constitutionally guaranteed, but besides it is unfortunately not seen as an essential guarantee in the efficiency of the other constitutional rules and principles, in particular the other rights or freedoms. However, the Frenchness of the language of the Republic would allow it indubitably, by its object and the acquisition of its constitutional value. Besides, on a less exclusively internal front, its constitutionality did not yet allow to consider it as a principle or rule inherent to the constitutional identity of France, while it is in theory the main element of this category which still remains empty. Besides, from a more offensive point of view, the Frenchness of the language of the Republic tries ingenuously to be exported thanks to its constitutionality, while it cannot afford it, by definition, as strictly French legal principle. Thus the constitutionality of this protean principle of Frenchness of the language of the Republic is the object of a prejudicial carelessness which it is advisable to remedy.

Este trabalho discute a transcendência, requisito específico de cabimento do recurso de revista trabalhista, instituído pela Medida Provisória n.º 2226, de 05 de setembro de 2001. Quase uma década depois, essa criação legislativa não surtiu qualquer efeito prático, porque dependente de regulamentação por parte do Tribunal Superior do Trabalho (TST), o qual, todavia, depois de vários estudos, inclina-se por descartar esse critério de admissibilidade, em face da evidente dificuldade de se conceituar o que é transcendência econômica, política, social e jurídica. A celeuma envolvendo esse requisito recursal, no entanto, abriu oportunidade para se discutir um pouco o papel da Justiça do Trabalho e, particularmente, a atuação do TST, incumbido de julgar um número cada vez maior de recursos de revista, o que pode comprometer a credibilidade de sua missão. O surgimento da transcendência, portanto, instiga a revisitar as origens do próprio recurso de revista, procurando-se identificar na herança histórica romana, ibérica e lusitana, como surgiram a recorribilidade extraordinária das decisões e a jurisprudência e de que maneira isso se transferiu para o Brasil. Examinam-se, também, o processo legislativo de criação desse requisito, as experiências similares e a influência estrangeira e aborda-se a constitucionalidade da transcendência à luz da jurisprudência do Supremo Tribunal Federal, que, desde 1999, não admite o uso de medida provisória para legislar direito processual. A dificuldade de operacionalização desse pressuposto, fato declarado em entrevistas por alguns Ministros do TST e reconhecido pela última Comissão incumbida de estudá-lo, resultou na elaboração de anteprojeto de lei, alternativo à transcendência, que é revelado e comentado neste trabalho. Porque, na maioria das vezes, o direito do trabalho envolve interesses de grupos de indivíduos e de categorias profissionais e econômicas, com reflexos em todo o mercado de trabalho, a uniformidade de sua aplicação e de sua interpretação continua necessária, mas não pode restringir-se ao TST; deve, antes, ser compartilhada com os Tribunais Regionais, obrigados à unificação de sua jurisprudência interna. São urgentes alterações no sistema recursal trabalhista, com a adoção de medidas, mais simples, objetivas e práticas, em sintonia com os propósitos de celeridade, qualidade, eficácia, segurança e justiça nos julgamentos. / This work discusses the principle of transcendence of appeals, a specific requirement for the admission of an appeal in a labor case instituted by the Provisional Presidential Decree no. 2226 of September 5, 2001. After almost a decade, such legislative creation has not had any practical effect because it depends on regulation by the Superior Labor Court (TST) which, however, after several studies, tends to discard such criterion of admissibility in light of the clear difficulty of defining what is economic, political, social and legal transcendent. Notwithstanding, the argumentation involving such requirement has opened the door to discussions about the role of Labor Courts and, in particular, the action of the TST that is responsible for adjudging an increasing number of appeals, which might compromise the credibility of its mission. Hence, the rising of the principle of transcendence directs us to revisit the origins of the appeal in labor cases with the purpose of identifying in the Roman, Iberian and Portuguese historical heritage the source of the extraordinary appealability of decisions and the related case law and how this was transferred to Brazil. The legislative process of creation of such requirement is also examined, as well as similar experiences and foreign influences, and the constitutionality of the principle of transcendence in light of case law of the Brazilian Federal Supreme Court, seeing that it has not admitted the use of provisional presidential decrees to legislate on procedural right since 1999. The difficult operationalization of such principle, as stated in interviews by some TST Justices and recognized by the last Commission incumbent on studying it, has resulted in the preparation of a bill alternative to the principle of transcendence that is disclosed and commented herein. Considering that Labor Law, more often than not, involves interests of groups of individuals and professional and economic categories with reflexes in the labor market as a whole, it is required be consistently applied and constructed, albeit not restricted to the TST; it should, above all, be shared with the Regional Courts, compelling them to unify their internal case law. The changes in the labor appealing system are urgent, with the adoption of simpler, more objective and practical measures in accordance with the principles of celerity, quality, effectiveness, safety and justice in judgments.

Title of the thesis: Administrative Offense of the Vehicle Operator The work deals with one of the specific institutes of administrative punishing in traffic which is the administrative offense of the vehicle operator. In addition to general questions of administrative punishing or to the concept of administrative offenses under the current valid and effective legislation the thesis also includes a description of the development of the institute, its characteristics, legal base and the way it works. The interdependence of the institute with the institute of the call to the payment of the determined amount is clearly shown and graphically indicated. The thesis deals with potential interventions to certain fundamental rights and freedoms and evaluates their adequacy. The aim of the work is a detailed legal analysis of the institute of the administrative offense of the vehicle operator and also pointing out its strengths and weaknesses. The main objective of the thesis is the legal analysis for compliance of the legislation with the constitutional order of the Czech Republic. After the introduction, in which the description of methods and objectives of the thesis are, follows a general section on administrative offenses. Its purpose is to introduce the topic of administrative punishing and pointing...

This study evaluates the constitutionality of section 78(1B) of the Criminal Procedure Act 51 of 1977 (CPA), which places the burden of proving criminal capacity on the party who raises the issue, against section 9 of the Constitution of the Republic of South Africa, 1996 (CRSA). In a legal system such as ours, that has a high regard for equality, any form of unequal treatment must be scrutinised, assessed and, if found to be unjust, rooted out. Even more so where the unequal treatment affects a marginalised minority group such as the mentally disabled. This study weighs section 78(1B) against section 9(1) of the CRSA. It also weighs the section against section 9(3) of the CRSA. Attempts are made to justify possible infringements according to section 36 of the CRSA. An appropriate remedy is then ascertained. This study also provides the historical development of section 78(1B) of the CPA – both in the common law and statute. This study furthermore provides original guidelines and principles in assessing expert evidence where criminal capacity is placed in dispute due to a mental illness or defect of the accused. The main findings are that section 78(1B) infringes on both section 9(1) and section 9(3), that it cannot be justified in terms of section 36 of the CRSA and that the appropriate remedy is the striking out of the whole section from the CPA. Copyright / Dissertation (LLM)--University of Pretoria, 2012. / Public Law / unrestricted

Made available in DSpace on 2017-06-01T18:18:24Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 1 luciana_assuncao_macieira_bandeira.pdf: 902354 bytes, checksum: 5cf2dabd79fe9f4d78dcd28e37434225 (MD5) Previous issue date: 2013-12-01 / The Law number 9.868/99 has significantly changed the Brazilian constitutionality control system, an important instrument for defending the maintenance of the Democratic State of Law, breaking the dogma of the nullity of unconstitutional acts and it created a modulation of the effects of unconstitutionality decisions. The research has carried out quantitative and qualitative analysis, with case studies corresponding to 1,232 merit judgment sentences issued by the Supreme Federal Court, between the years of 1988 and June 30, 2013, in the course of abstract constitutionality review. The objective was to identify if there is political party influence in the modulation of effects of the unconstitutionality decision, identifying the external and internal factors that have interfered in the studied judgments. The research has evaluated the available samples from the statistical lists of the direct claim of unconstitutionality and declaratory action in the Supreme Court´s website, which has allowed us to locate each action judged in its merit and to consult vote by vote. The research has discovered that, between 1988 to 2013, 18 (eighteen) cases had refused to modulate the effects of its own decisions, and 37 (thirty seven) sentences allowed pro futuro, ex nunc and pre-arranged date effects, corresponding to 4.5% of the cases judged on merit. The study has classified the data regarding their modulated deadline, the beneficiaries and the object of the modulations. Of the 37 (thirty seven) cases identified with modulation, the research diagnosed 13 (thirteen) with strong signs of political party influence. The votes have also shown other interference factors: internal influence by the peers at the Court, for social and economic reasons (structuring theory of law), and even on behalf of the decision coherence with other precedents (Dworkin's integrity theory). In all the thirteen judged cases, the modulation requests were made by the president or by state governor. In 7 (seven) cases, the associate justices changed theirs votes to adhere to the consensually debated modulation. In all cases there was a discussion of financial-economic factors which involved the public treasure. The study has compared the discovered values with the foreign constitutional doctrine and the jurisprudential experience from Austria, USA and Germany, which have directly or indirectly influenced the national constitutional review system. This analysis has described the similarities and differences in the composition and functionality of the Court, as well as the species, extension and effects of unconstitutionality abstract and concrete review. The hypothesis problematized in the research was proved, regarding the occurrence of political party influence, which also occurs at foreign courts whose composition is determined by the Parliament or by the Chief of the Executive branch, but this influence would not have an exclusive character in determining the modulation of effects of unconstitutionality sentences. It was concluded that, in Brazil, the choice of 8 (eight) from the 11 (eleven) ministers by a same party was determinant to make the Court suffer political party influence throughout the years. The possibility of unconstitutionality modulation interferes directly in the public policies implemented by the State and Federal government, which aggravated the political pressure suffered by the judges. Since the modulation uses undetermined concepts of juridical security and exceptional social interest, though many influences external do the positive system have been detected, social aspiration demands the fulfillment of the minimal limits foreseen in the very system for fulfilling of this "open organization of the norm" to avoid arbitrariness. / O advento da Lei nº 9.868/99 alterou significativamente o sistema de controle de constitucionalidade brasileiro, importante instrumento de defesa da manutenção do Estado Democrático de Direito, com a quebra do dogma da nulidade dos atos inconstitucionais, e a autorização expressa da modulação dos efeitos das declarações de inconstitucionalidade. A pesquisa realizou análises qualitativa e quantitativa, mediante levantamento de dados correspondentes a 1.232 acórdãos de julgamento de mérito proferidos pelo plenário do Supremo Tribunal Federal, entre os anos de 1988 a 30 de junho de 2013, em sede de controle abstrato de constitucionalidade. O objetivo foi identificar se há influência político partidária na modulação de efeitos da declaração de inconstitucionalidade, identificando os fatores externos e internos que interferiram nos julgados estudados. A pesquisa avaliou as amostras disponibilizadas nas listagens de estatísticas de ações de controle abstrato de constitucionalidade, existente no site do Supremo Tribunal, o que permitiu localizar cada ação julgada em seu mérito, e consultar voto a voto. A pesquisa descobriu que, entre 1988 a 2013, 18 (dezoito) casos tiveram indeferimento expresso do pedido de modulação, e 37 (trinta e sete) acórdãos acolheram a alteração da eficácia pro futuro, ex nunc ou em data prefixada, correspondendo a 4,5% dos processos julgados no mérito. O trabalho classificou os dados quanto ao prazo modulado, os beneficiários e o objeto das modulações. Dos 37 (trinta e sete) casos identificados com modulação, a pesquisa diagnosticou 13 (treze) com fortes indícios de influência político partidária. Os votos mostraram também outros fatores de interferência: influência interna pelos pares na Corte, questões sociais e econômicas (metódica estruturante do direito), e até a busca ainda que eventual pela coerência decisória com outro precedente (teoria da integridade de Dworkin). Em todos os treze julgados, os pedidos de modulação foram formulados por chefe do Poder Executivo Estadual ou Federal. Em 7 (sete) casos houve retificação de votos para aderir à modulação consensualmente debatida. Em todos os casos, havia discussão de fatores econômico- financeiros que envolviam erário. O estudo comparou os valores encontrados com a doutrina constitucional estrangeira e a experiência jurisprudencial da Áustria, dos Estados Unidos e da Alemanha, que influenciaram direta ou indiretamente o sistema constitucional pátrio. Essa análise descreveu as semelhanças e as diferenças na composição e na funcionabilidade da Corte, bem como as espécies, extensão e efeitos das decisões de inconstitucionalidade. Comprovou-se a hipótese problematizada na pesquisa, quanto à ocorrência de influência político-partidária, o que ocorre também nos tribunais estrangeiros, cuja composição é determinada pelo Parlamento ou pelo Chefe do Executivo, mas sem que essa influência tivesse o caráter exclusivo na determinação da modulação de efeitos da sentença de inconstitucionalidade. Conclui-se que, no Brasil, a escolha de 8 (oito) dos 11 (onze) ministros por um mesmo partido foi determinante para que a Corte sofresse influência político-partidária ao longo dos anos. A possibilidade de modulação da inconstitucionalidade interfere diretamente nas políticas públicas implantadas pelos governos estaduais e federal, o que agrava a pressão política sofrida pelos julgadores. Como a modulação utiliza conceitos indeterminados de segurança jurídica e relevante interesse social, ainda que se tenha constatado tantas influências externas ao sistema positivado, o anseio social exige o cumprimento dos limites mínimos previstos no próprio sistema para o preenchimento dessa "textura aberta da norma", para evitar arbitrariedades.

Made available in DSpace on 2017-06-01T18:18:27Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 1 juliana_brito_giovanetti_pontes.pdf: 2048824 bytes, checksum: 5c9dc70a941dca47740b74a40f967655 (MD5) Previous issue date: 2013-12-11 / Universidade Católica de Pernambuco / The constitutionality control aims to maintain the unity of the legal system and the structures that constitute the state. When the balance of the legal system is altered, is through the use of constitutional control that are sourced means of correcting for this imbalance to harmonize the infraconstitucional law or normative act and the Constitution. From the 1988 Constitution, the arguição de descumprimento de preceito fundamental marked an advance in the Brazilian control of constitutionality. Institute unique in the world, is able to prevent acts of threat or breach of fundamental precept deriving from the Government. Is a means of concentrated constitutionality control, being exclusive and original jurisdiction of the Brazilian Supreme Court. By being inserted in the context of the judicialization of politics and judicial activism, in the judgment of the ações diretas de inconstitucionalidade, as compared to other forms of concentrated constitutionality control, is possible to check a small quantitative of pleas effectively judged and may result in losses to the achievement of the fundamental precepts. It is observed that as a result of the low level of decision-making processes in ADPFs, they have not always been recognized as a suitable means to resolve breaches the constitutional commandments, which causes the emptying of its importance in the concentrated constitutionality control. Due to this situation, this work seeks to analyze the existence of judicial self-restraint and what the factors have contributed to the practice of this phenomenon by the Brazilian Supreme Court in place of invoking a arguição de descumprimento de preceito fundamental. Therefore, through quantitative and qualitative analysis, we sought to understand the positive and negative selectivity in the judgment of pleas of breach made by the Supreme Court based on the analysis of the actions that have not been judged on the merits and the merits of those who had examined. It also was analyzed the behavior of Justices of the Supreme Court with regard to the requirement of subsidiarity and respect the Law 9.882/99, which regulates the ADPFs. The research included a literature review of doctrinal and jurisprudential references concerning the main concepts and theories that integrate this dissertation, also constituting a search for exploratory and descriptive, then monitoring the procedure of all ADPFs through electronic website of the Brazilian Supreme Court, proposals including the pleas in the period from December 1999 to July 2013, through the development of worksheet to the accompaniment of variables related of the complaints of breach and investigation of research hypotheses. / O controle de constitucionalidade visa manter a unidade da ordem jurídica e as estruturas que constituem o Estado. Quando o equilíbrio do sistema jurídico sofre alterações, é através do uso do controle constitucional que são originados meios de correção para esse desequilíbrio ao compatibilizar-se a lei ou o ato normativo infraconstitucional e a Constituição. A partir da Carta Constitucional de 1988, a arguição de descumprimento de preceito fundamental caracterizou um avanço no controle de constitucionalidade brasileiro. Instituto único no mundo, é capaz de impedir atos de ameaça ou violação a preceito fundamental, decorrentes do Poder Público. Constitui meio de controle de constitucionalidade concentrado, sendo de competência originária e exclusiva do Supremo Tribunal Federal. Por estarem inseridas no contexto da judicialização da política e do ativismo judicial, presentes no julgamento das ações diretas de inconstitucionalidade, quando comparadas às demais formas de controle constitucional concentrado, é possível verificar um reduzido quantitativo das arguições efetivamente julgadas, podendo resultar em prejuízos à concretização dos preceitos fundamentais. Observa-se que, em decorrência do baixo índice de processos decisórios nas ADPFs, as mesmas nem sempre têm sido reconhecidas como meio apto para solucionar descumprimentos aos mandamentos constitucionais, o que provoca o esvaziamento de sua importância no controle de constitucionalidade concentrado. Devido à referida situação, no presente trabalho procura-se analisar a existência de autocontenção judicial e quais fatores têm contribuído para a prática desse fenômeno pelo Supremo Tribunal Federal em sede de arguição de descumprimento de preceito fundamental. Para tanto, através da análise quantitativa e qualitativa, buscou-se compreender a seletividade negativa e positiva no julgamento das arguições de descumprimento realizada pelo Supremo Tribunal Federal, a partir da análise das ações que não sofreram julgamento do mérito e daquelas que tiveram o mérito analisado. Também foi analisado o comportamento dos Ministros do Supremo Tribunal Federal com relação ao requisito da subsidiariedade e o respeito à Lei 9.882/99, que regulamenta as arguições de descumprimento. A pesquisa compreendeu revisão de literatura das referências doutrinárias e jurisprudenciais relativas aos principais conceitos e teorias que integram esta dissertação, constituindo também uma pesquisa de caráter exploratório e descritivo, seguida do acompanhamento processual da totalidade das ADPFs, através do sítio eletrônico do Supremo Tribunal Federal, incluindo as arguições propostas no período de dezembro de 1999 a julho de 2013, por meio da elaboração de planilha para o acompanhamento de varáveis relacionadas às arguições de descumprimento e investigação das hipóteses da pesquisa.

The MA thesis "Minimum Legal Drinking Age in the U.S.: A Reasonable Exception to Age of Majority?" examines the U.S. legal limit for consumption of alcohol from the perspective of policies aimed at controlling drunk driving because the minimum drinking age was set to twenty-one - higher than the age of majority - in order to reduce drunk-driving fatalities. The thesis analyzes different aspects of this issue and concludes that the high minimum legal drinking, which constitutes a severe limitation of personal freedom of those aged eighteen to twenty, did not fulfill the expectations with which it was introduced in 1984. The thesis suggests alternatives to the high age limit, and examines how and if they are implemented or what prevents their frequent use. The thesis has four parts: one provides basic facts about drinking, driving, and drunk driving in the U.S. society including the attitudes of the public toward the issue. The following part looks into the legal developments of the drinking age limits and legal challenges to the law arranging the age limit for its supposed unconstitutionality. The third chapter looks at the results of scientific research and suggests ways to deal with drunk driving more efficiently. The last part examines what prevents these more effective measures from being widely...

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Si tous les juges sont appelés à appliquer la Constitution, le Conseil d'Etat, a une situation particulière. Il a, à apprécier, plus souvent que les autres juges, la conformité à la Constitution de l'action administrative. La soumission des actes administratifs à la Constitution ne doit pas nécessairement passer par une juridiction constitutionnelle. Le Contrôle de constitutionnalité des actes administratifs doit se superposer et même se confondre avec le contrôle de légalité. Le système de contrôle de constitutionnalité introduit en 1990, a privé les juridictions ordinaires de la faculté d'exercer le contrôle de constitutionnalité des lois. Le régime du Conseil Constitutionnel offre sans doute moins de garanties du fait que la porte du Conseil Constitutionnel est étroite et demeure interdite aux particuliers, ainsi qu'aux juges ordinaires. Ce régime considère le juge ordinaire comme incompétent pour assurer un contrôle de constitutionnalité de la loi. En effet, l'article 18 de la loi 250/93 du 14 juillet 1993 relative à l'institution du Conseil constitutionnel dispose que le Conseil Constitutionnel contrôle la constitutionnalité des lois et textes ayant force de loi. Nonobstant toute disposition contraire, nulle autre autorité judiciaire ne peut exercer ce contrôle par voie d'action ou d'exception d'inconstitutionnalité ou de violation du principe de la hiérarchie des normes et textes. Ainsi, le Conseil constitutionnel ne contrôle pas la constitutionnalité des lois promulguées avant sa création, le juge ordinaire y compris le Conseil d'Etat ne peut exercer un tel contrôle par voie d'action ni par voie d'exception. Le juge ordinaire ne peut donc plus refuser d'appliquer une loi sous prétexte de son inconstitutionnalité et n'est plus autorisé, à quelque titre que ce soit, à opérer un contrôle de constitutionnalité de la loi. L'intervention du juge administratif statuant comme juge constitutionnel peut contribuer à résoudre le problème de déni de justice existant dans le système juridique libanais. Les règles constitutionnelles s'imposent au juge administratif qui doit respecter ses principes dans les décisions qu'il prend. Etant la norme suprême, la Constitution s'impose donc de manière immédiate aux autorités administratives. Pour cela les normes constitutionnelles sont incorporées dans les sources de légalité que le juge administratif se doit de faire respecter. Le Conseil d'Etat est chargé du contrôle de la conformité des actes normatifs par rapport à la Constitution. Cette fonction de contrôle induit la fonction d'interprétation des normes constitutionnelles. Le juge administratif exerce des fonctions similaires : il assure le contrôle de la conformité des actes administratifs par rapport à la Constitution et il est interprète de la Constitution. Le Conseil d'Etat ne peut pas contrôler tous les actes administratifs, puisque certains d'entre eux violent la Constitution du seul fait qu'ils appliquent une loi inconstitutionnelle. Mais selon la théorie de l'écran législatif, la loi fait écran entre la Constitution et l'acte contrôlé. La mission du Conseil d'Etat est-elle, de mettre en cause l'application de cette loi inconstitutionnelle. Cette mission ne peut se concrétiser que si le Conseil d'Etat agit comme juge constitutionnel, c'est-à-dire que s'il est amené à contrôler la constitutionnalité des actes administratifs En France, le système de contrôle de constitutionnalité instauré par la Constitution de 1958 limitait le contrôle de constitutionnalité des lois à un contrôle de priori. Tout juge, ne pouvait qu'appliquer la loi, même inconstitutionnelle. Ce problème a été résolu en France en 2008 par la réforme constitutionnelle opérée par la loi constitutionnelle n°2008-724 du 23 juillet 2008 qui ajoute un article 61-1 à la Constitution. / If all judges are required to apply the Constitution, the Council of State, has a special status. He has to appreciate more often than the other judges, compliance with the Constitution of the administrative action. Submission of administrative acts to the Constitution need not go through a constitutional court. Control of the constitutionality of administrative acts must overlap and even merge with the judicial review. The system of constitutional review introduced in 1990, has deprived the ordinary courts of the power to exercise control of the constitutionality of laws. The regime of the Constitutional Council has probably less guarantees that the door of the Constitutional Council is narrow and is forbidden to individuals, as well as ordinary judges. This scheme considers the ordinary courts incompetent for a constitutional review of the law. Indeed, Article 18 of the law 250/93 of 14 July 1993 on the establishment of the Constitutional Council provides that the Constitutional Council reviews the constitutionality of laws and instruments having the force of law. Notwithstanding anything to the contrary, no other court may exercise this control by action or unconstitutionality or violation of the principle of hierarchy of norms and texts. Thus, the Constitutional Council does not control the constitutionality of laws enacted prior to its creation, the ordinary courts including the State Council may exercise such control by action or by way of exception. The ordinary courts can no longer refuse to enforce a statute on the grounds of its unconstitutionality and is no longer allowed in any capacity whatsoever, to exercise control of the constitutionality of the law. The intervention of the administrative judge acting as a constitutional judge may help solve the problem of denial of justice existing in the Lebanese legal system.Constitutional rules apply to the administrative judge must respect its principles in the decisions it makes. Being the supreme law, the Constitution is therefore required immediate way to administrative authorities. For that constitutional standards are incorporated into the sources of legality that the administrative judge must enforce. The State Council is responsible for monitoring the compliance of normative acts with the Constitution. This control function causes the function of interpretation of constitutional provisions. The administrative judge exercising similar functions: it supervises the compliance of administrative acts with the Constitution and is interpreter of the Constitution. The Council of State cannot control all administrative acts, as some of them violate the Constitution merely because they apply an unconstitutional law. But according to the theory of legislative screen, the law shields between the Constitution and the controlled act. The mission of the State Council is she to question the application of this law unconstitutional. This mission can only be achieved if the Council of State acts as the constitutional court, that is to say, if it is required to review the constitutionality of administrative acts In France, the system of constitutional review introduced by the 1958 Constitution limited the constitutionality of laws to control a priori. Any judge could not apply the law, even unconstitutional. This problem was solved in France in 2008 by the constitutional reform made by the Constitutional Act No. 2008-724 of 23 July 2008 which adds Article 61-1 of the Constitution.

La question prioritaire de constitutionnalité (QPC), instaurée en 2008, permet au Conseil constitutionnel de se prononcer sur la conformité d’une disposition législative déjà entrée en vigueur, aux « droits et libertés que la Constitution garantit ». Les effets substantiels des décisions QPC, c'est-à-dire la suppression ou la modification d’une disposition législative par le prononcé d’une inconstitutionnalité ou d’une réserve d’interprétation, peuvent se révéler importants compte tenu de la portée erga omnes de ces décisions. C’est alors par la maîtrise de leur application temporelle que les effets substantiels vont être encadrés voire modérés. Certains effets temporels revêtent un caractère automatique : la décision QPC en tant qu’elle porte sur une norme (la disposition législative en cause), s’insère dans l’ordonnancement juridique et, à ce titre, génère des conflits de normes. Par ailleurs, les effets temporels peuvent également, et surtout, être choisis par le Conseil constitutionnel, par l’utilisation de son pouvoir de modulation. Ce pouvoir a été conçu de manière à laisser une grande liberté au Conseil constitutionnel. Dans une démarche d’efficacité, le juge constitutionnel s’est fixé l’objectif de faire bénéficier le justiciable d’un« effet utile » de ses décisions et a par conséquent valorisé l’usage de la rétroactivité. Cependant, la liberté seule n’assure pas une pleine maîtrise de ce pouvoir de modulation et ce même pouvoir est parfois insuffisant pour régir les effets substantiels des décisions QPC. La thèse contribue, sur la base d’une analyse exhaustive de l’ensemble des décisions QPC du Conseil et de trèsnombreuses décisions dites « retour de QPC » des juridictions ordinaires, à étudier ces insuffisances et notamment le manque de réflexion sur la compatibilité entre la technique de la modulation et l’office du juge constitutionnel et sur la nécessité d’une collaboration avec les juridictions ordinaires. / The priority question of constitutionality (QPC), created in 2008, allows the french Constitutional Council to operate a judicial review of an adopted law. The substantial effects of a QPC decision, ie the abolition or the modification of a legislation by pronouncing its unconstitutionality or by interpreting it in accordance with the Constitution, can be considerable given the erga omnes impact of these decisions. These substantial effects can however be controlled or moderated by the temporal effects. Some temporal effects are inevitable: the QPCdecision since it concerns a norm (the law), integrates with the legal order and generates norms’ conflicts. Otherwise the temporal effects can be chosen by the Constitutional Council thanks to the ability of modulating the temporal effects of its decisions. This jurisdictional technical lets total liberty to the Constitutional Council. The court, in an efficacy perspective, sets the objectiveof giving a « useful effect » to the litigant and thus accords value to retroactivity. Yet this liberty alone isn’t enough to provide a complete control of this modulating ability and this ability can’t regulate all the substantial effects. This thesis, based on an exhaustive jurisprudential analysis ofthe QPC decisions, aims to study these difficulties and especially the lack of reflection about the compatibility of the technical into the judicial office of the court and about the essential collaboration with the ordinary jurisdictions.