O objetivo do trabalho é realizar uma reflexão teórica sobre a questão nacional. São analisadas as principais teorias sobre a nação e o nacionalismo, com especial atenção para as relações por elas estabelecidas entre o nacionalismo e a transição para a Era moderna. A formação do Estado-Nação, a utilização da tradição e as transformações promovidas pelo processo de modernização são discutidas a partir da perspectiva da continuidade ou da descontinuidade atribuída às nações a ao nacionalismo. Como resultado, é apresentada uma interpretação do nacionalismo como a busca para encerrar simultaneamente em um mesmo fenômeno a tradição e a modernidade. O nacionalismo é então entendido como um projeto para unificar o passado, o presente e o futuro de uma comunidade, na medida em que procura estabelecer as formas de organização da política a partir da pertença a uma ancestralidade comum. As construções históricas nacionais, conclui-se, podem até serem substituídas, porém tão somente por outras instituições que sejam capazes de oferecer uma mescla entre as origens de uma comunidade, seu desenvolvimento atual e sua idealização de futuro. / The present work pursues a theoretical reflection on the national question. It analyses the main theories on nations and nationalism, with especially regard to the relationship between nationalism and the transition from pre-modern to modern Era. The formation of the Nation-State, the uses of tradition and the transformations brought about by modernization are discussed in terms of the continuity or discontinuity of nation and nationalism. As results, it is presented an interpretation of nationalism as a search to reach modernization and tradition at the same time. Nationalism is then a project to unify past, present and perfect, as it tends to establish the way in which politics should be organized in here and from now on, as determinate from our belonging to ancient community or Gemeinschaft. The conclusion is so that nations and nationalism, as being historical constructions, can be overlapped. But only by another institution that bring about a similar mixture of the origins, the current life and the future of a community

O objetivo do trabalho é realizar uma reflexão teórica sobre a questão nacional. São analisadas as principais teorias sobre a nação e o nacionalismo, com especial atenção para as relações por elas estabelecidas entre o nacionalismo e a transição para a Era moderna. A formação do Estado-Nação, a utilização da tradição e as transformações promovidas pelo processo de modernização são discutidas a partir da perspectiva da continuidade ou da descontinuidade atribuída às nações a ao nacionalismo. Como resultado, é apresentada uma interpretação do nacionalismo como a busca para encerrar simultaneamente em um mesmo fenômeno a tradição e a modernidade. O nacionalismo é então entendido como um projeto para unificar o passado, o presente e o futuro de uma comunidade, na medida em que procura estabelecer as formas de organização da política a partir da pertença a uma ancestralidade comum. As construções históricas nacionais, conclui-se, podem até serem substituídas, porém tão somente por outras instituições que sejam capazes de oferecer uma mescla entre as origens de uma comunidade, seu desenvolvimento atual e sua idealização de futuro. / The present work pursues a theoretical reflection on the national question. It analyses the main theories on nations and nationalism, with especially regard to the relationship between nationalism and the transition from pre-modern to modern Era. The formation of the Nation-State, the uses of tradition and the transformations brought about by modernization are discussed in terms of the continuity or discontinuity of nation and nationalism. As results, it is presented an interpretation of nationalism as a search to reach modernization and tradition at the same time. Nationalism is then a project to unify past, present and perfect, as it tends to establish the way in which politics should be organized in here and from now on, as determinate from our belonging to ancient community or Gemeinschaft. The conclusion is so that nations and nationalism, as being historical constructions, can be overlapped. But only by another institution that bring about a similar mixture of the origins, the current life and the future of a community

Ce travail interroge le processus d’indépendance et de construction de la nation au Paraguay, réalisé principalement sous l’égide du Dr. José Gaspar Rodríguez de Francia entre 1811 et 1840. Le cas paraguayen présente de nombreuses singularités. Dès 1811, cette province de l’empire espagnol choisit sans hésitation la voie de l’indépendance vis-à-vis de Madrid comme de Buenos Aires, la capitale de la vice-royauté du Río de la Plata dont elle dépend. En 1813, la république est proclamée et, de 1814 jusqu’à sa mort en 1840, le Dr. Francia dirige seul le pays après en avoir été élu dictateur. Ces choix si rapides et définitifs, surtout comparés à la situation que vivent d’autres régions de l’empire au même moment, posent question. Le Dr. Francia se fait l’interprète d’aspirations qui prennent leurs racines dans la période coloniale qui précède et qui se caractérisepar ses particularismes linguistique, démographique, politique et historique, et l’isolation, l’abandon, la pauvreté et l’oppression dont elle souffre. L’originalité de la contribution du Dr. Francia tient au fait qu’il est porteur d’un projet politique clair qui répond à ce passé et, également, aux moyens dont il use pour le mener à bien. Il s’appuie essentiellement sur son discours pour y parvenir. Ce discours repose sur de multiples modes de diffusions, il opère également sans concurrence, ce qui contribue grandement à son efficacité. D’une part, il s’articule autour des notions de mémoire, de liberté et de valorisation des institutions républicaines et des concepts de patrie et patriotisme. D’autre part, le Dr. Francia fait de la figure de l’étranger, sous toutes sesformes, la pierre angulaire et le versant négatif de sa rhétorique nationaliste. En dépeignant l’étranger sous les traits menaçants de « l’autre », le Dr. Francia consolide l’identité et les particularismes d’un nouveau groupe « nous », que constituent désormais les Paraguayens de république indépendante. / This study has for object an exploration of the process of independence and nation building in Paraguay, which took place between 1811 and 1840 under the auspices of Dr. José Gaspar Rodríguez de Francia. The case of Paraguay is singular in many regards. Beginning in 1811, this province of the Spanish Empire embarked upon a process of independence from both Madrid and Buenos Aires, the capital of the viceroyalty of Río de la Plata. In 1813, the Republic was proclaimed, and, from 1814 until his death, Dr. Francia, after having been elected as dictator, singlehandedly governed the country. These choices were both rapid, and definitive, and give rise to many questions. Dr. Francia was able to implement certain underlying aspirations. These aspirations had their roots in the preceding colonial period, which was characterized by its linguistic, demographic, political, andhistorical differences and by its isolation, abandonment, poverty, and the oppression under which it suffered. The originality of Dr. Francia’s contribution had to do with the fact that he not only conveyed a clearly defined political project which responded to the problems of the past, but also that he proposed innovative means by which he could bring his projects to fruition. He relied fundamentally on discourse in order to arrive at his ends. This discourse was disseminated across multiple channels; furthermore, his various communications encountered no competition, this too contributed to their success. This continuing discourse revolved around the ideas of memory and liberty, as well as promoting the value of republican institutions and the concept of patriotism. Additionally, Dr. Francia used the figure of the foreigner under any guise as the basis for the negative side of his nationalist rhetoric. By portraying the foreigner as a menacing “other”, Francia was able to consolidate the identity defining the particularities of a new “us” group, Paraguayans who, henceforth, belonged to an independent republic.

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Cette recherche aborde la scène politique de deux pays d’Afrique de l’Est (Éthiopie-Kenya) en s’appuyant sur une analyse des enjeux politiques inhérents à la mise en place d’institutions mémorielles telles que les musées, les mausolées et autres lieux de mémoires. Notre thèse est que ces musées sont à comprendre avant tout comme des espaces intermédiaires de négociation entre les groupes qui les portent, l’État qui les finance ou les autorise, et les organisations internationales qui soutiennent et influencent les projets patrimoniaux des gouvernements. Cette recherche se concentre ainsi sur deux études de cas : le musée Konso en Éthiopie et le musée-mausolée de Koitalel Samoei au Kenya. Ces institutions s’inscrivent dans des contextes politiques particuliers au début des années 2000, à savoir l’application effective du pluralisme politique au Kenya et le renforcement de l’autoritarisme en Éthiopie. Au Kenya, la négociation autour de l’interprétation du passé en termes politiques se fait au sein même du musée-mausolée dédié au héros Koitalel Samoei, tandis que le cas éthiopien souligne plutôt que les rapports de pouvoir sont restructurés ou réorganisés par la présence d’un premier musée ethnographique en région, le musée Konso.L’apparition de musées communautaires témoigne, au Kenya comme en Éthiopie, d’un retour de l’identité ethnique en politique, qui est à la fois brandie comme une bannière par les gouvernements, mais également utilisée comme une catégorie opératoire ou une ressource par des acteurs particuliers, qu’on appellera ici des « entrepreneurs de patrimoine ». Par l’usage d’un nouveau capital, le patrimoine et sa préservation, ces « entrepreneurs de patrimoine » s’imposent ainsi à la fois comme des « entrepreneurs de soi » au sens de Michel Foucault, mais également comme des « entrepreneurs du nous » en politique, occupant une position graduelle dans les négociations et les prises de décisions publiques. Dès lors, il faut décentrer le regard pour s’intéresser à ce que le musée fait au politique, et non plus seulement à ce que la politique fait des musées.En incluant également l’analyse des usages politiques de la mémoire étatiques et internationaux, ce travail cherche à renverser la perspective en adoptant une entrée microsociologique et ethnographique en science politique, étudiant les déterminants et les modalités de la reconstruction nationale du point de vue des musées communautaires. Cette approche « par le bas », articulée aux niveaux d’analyse macro (État, idéologie, cadre institutionnel) et micro (les institutions et acteurs du patrimoine, les élites politiques locales) invite ainsi à une réflexion plus générale sur la construction, la qualification et les perceptions des régimes politiques, entamant une réflexion sur la nature de l’État qui se dévoile à travers ces nouvelles politiques mémorielles et patrimoniales, ainsi que sur le rôle joué par ces nouveaux « entrepreneurs de patrimoine » dans la reconfiguration de la compétition politique. / This dissertation aims at understanding the political scene in two East African countries – Ethiopia and Kenya – by analysing the political dynamics surrounding the creation of memorial institutions such as museums, mausoleums and other memory spaces. I argue that these institutions must be first and foremost understood as intermediary spaces of negotiation between groups that are supporting them; the State that is financing and / or authorising them; as well as international organisations that are assisting and influencing the countries’ patrimonial policies. The two case studies of this research - the Konso Museum in Ethiopia and the museum-mausoleum of Koitalel Samoei in Kenya – are institutions that relate to specific political context: in Kenya, where political pluralism has been effectively accepted in the 2000s, the negotiation surrounding the political interpretation of the past takes place within the mausoleum-museum. In Ethiopia, where authoritarianism has been reinvigorated, local power relations are structured and reorganised by the presence of the South region’s first ethnographic museum.Both in Kenya and Ethiopia, the contemporary emergence of community museums illustrates the growing salience of ethnic identities in the political sphere – used as a resource and category of action both by the State and “patrimonial entrepreneurs”. By using a new kind of capital – heritage and its conservation – the latter strengthen their position both as “self entrepreneurs” (in the sense of Michel Foucault) and “we-entrepreneurs”, occupying an intermediary position in negotiations and public decision-making. Thus, we must look not only at what politics do to museums but also how museums do impact on political dynamics.In my research, through the study of community museums, I analyse the political uses of State and international memories, thus aiming at understanding the determinants and modalities of nation (re)building. I have adopted a microsociological and ethnographic approach within the framework political science. This “bottom-up” approach, articulated with macro levels of analysis (the State, ideologies and institutions) as well as micro levels (institutions and actors of heritage, local political elite) leads my argumentation to a larger debate on construction, qualification and perceptions of political regimes, the nature of the State as well as the role played by these new “patrimonial entrepreneurs” in the reconfiguration of political competition

Deux décennies après la chute de l'URSS (1991), ce mémoire propose une réévaluation de la thèse de Francis Fukuyama sur la Fin de l'Histoire, élaborée en 1989, qui postule qu'avec la chute de l'URSS aucune idéologie ne peut rivaliser avec la démocratie libérale capitaliste; et de la thèse de Samuel P. Huntington sur le Choc des civilisations, élaborée en 1993, qui pose l'existence d'un nombre fini de civilisations homogènes et antagonistes. Pourtant, lorsque confrontées à une étude approfondie des séquences historiques, ces deux théories apparaissent pour le moins relatives. Deux questions ont été traitées: l'interaction entre Idéologie et Conditions historiques, et la thèse de l'homogénéité intracivilisationnelle et de l'hétérogénéité antagoniste intercivilisationnelle. Sans les invalider complètement, cette recherche conclut toutefois que ces deux théories doivent être nuancées; elles se situent aux deux extrémités du spectre des relations internationales. La recherche effectuée a montré que les idéologies et leur poids relatif sont tributaires d'un contexte, contrairement à Fukuyama qui les pose dans l'absolu. De plus, l'étude de la Chine maoïste et particulièrement de la pensée de Mao Zedong montre que les traditions politiques locales sont plus hétérogènes qu'il n'y paraît au premier abord, ce qui relativise la thèse de Huntington. En conclusion, les rapports entre États sont plus dynamiques que ne le laissent penser les thèses de Fukuyama et de Huntington. / The central purpose of this research is a revaluation, two decades after the 1991 demise of the USSR, of Francis Fukuyama's 1989 "End of History" theory, which postulates that with the fall of the USSR no major ideology is a challenger to the domination of liberal capitalist democracy; and of Samuel P. Huntington's 1993 "Clash of Civilizations" theory that postulates the existence of a finite number of antagonistic homogeneous civilizations. When confronted with the actual unfolding of historical events, these two absolute and uncompromising theories appear increasingly relative. Two questions were researched: the interaction between Ideology and Historical conditions in the case of Fukuyama, and that of the presupposed Intra-civilizational homogeneity and Inter-civilizational antagonistic heterogeneity. This research, not dismissing them totally, comes to the conclusion that they constitute the two opposite poles of a continuum that encompass most types of interactions between polities. First, this thesis comes to the conclusion that ideologies and their relative weight are part of a broader picture rather than absolutes in themselves, as Fukuyama argues. Furthermore, the study of Maoist China and especially of the thoughts of Mao Zedong strongly suggests the heterogeneity of political traditions locally, contrary to Huntington's thesis. In other words, interactions between polities seem more dynamic than the simplistic linear approaches of Fukuyama and Huntington.

Deux décennies après la chute de l'URSS (1991), ce mémoire propose une réévaluation de la thèse de Francis Fukuyama sur la Fin de l'Histoire, élaborée en 1989, qui postule qu'avec la chute de l'URSS aucune idéologie ne peut rivaliser avec la démocratie libérale capitaliste; et de la thèse de Samuel P. Huntington sur le Choc des civilisations, élaborée en 1993, qui pose l'existence d'un nombre fini de civilisations homogènes et antagonistes. Pourtant, lorsque confrontées à une étude approfondie des séquences historiques, ces deux théories apparaissent pour le moins relatives. Deux questions ont été traitées: l'interaction entre Idéologie et Conditions historiques, et la thèse de l'homogénéité intracivilisationnelle et de l'hétérogénéité antagoniste intercivilisationnelle. Sans les invalider complètement, cette recherche conclut toutefois que ces deux théories doivent être nuancées; elles se situent aux deux extrémités du spectre des relations internationales. La recherche effectuée a montré que les idéologies et leur poids relatif sont tributaires d'un contexte, contrairement à Fukuyama qui les pose dans l'absolu. De plus, l'étude de la Chine maoïste et particulièrement de la pensée de Mao Zedong montre que les traditions politiques locales sont plus hétérogènes qu'il n'y paraît au premier abord, ce qui relativise la thèse de Huntington. En conclusion, les rapports entre États sont plus dynamiques que ne le laissent penser les thèses de Fukuyama et de Huntington. / The central purpose of this research is a revaluation, two decades after the 1991 demise of the USSR, of Francis Fukuyama's 1989 "End of History" theory, which postulates that with the fall of the USSR no major ideology is a challenger to the domination of liberal capitalist democracy; and of Samuel P. Huntington's 1993 "Clash of Civilizations" theory that postulates the existence of a finite number of antagonistic homogeneous civilizations. When confronted with the actual unfolding of historical events, these two absolute and uncompromising theories appear increasingly relative. Two questions were researched: the interaction between Ideology and Historical conditions in the case of Fukuyama, and that of the presupposed Intra-civilizational homogeneity and Inter-civilizational antagonistic heterogeneity. This research, not dismissing them totally, comes to the conclusion that they constitute the two opposite poles of a continuum that encompass most types of interactions between polities. First, this thesis comes to the conclusion that ideologies and their relative weight are part of a broader picture rather than absolutes in themselves, as Fukuyama argues. Furthermore, the study of Maoist China and especially of the thoughts of Mao Zedong strongly suggests the heterogeneity of political traditions locally, contrary to Huntington's thesis. In other words, interactions between polities seem more dynamic than the simplistic linear approaches of Fukuyama and Huntington.