Este trabalho visa identificar possíveis vantagens que as empresas obtêm ao contribuir com campanhas políticas. Para isso, foi utilizada uma extensa base de dados com informações de doações a candidatos aos cargos de deputado, senador e presidente nas eleições de 2006 e 2010. As variáveis de interesse analisadas foram o retorno anormal cumulativo à época da divulgação do resultado das eleições e o retorno sobre o patrimônio líquido no ano posterior a cada eleição. Foram estimadas regressões de dados em painel através de mínimos quadrados ordinários, e incluídos efeitos fixos de ano e setor das empresas. Os resultados indicam que não apenas o mercado antecipa benefícios futuros para as empresas que contribuíram com campanhas – o que se reflete em retornos anormais cumulativos positivos à época da eleição – mas também estas empresas apresentam retornos sobre o patrimônio líquido superiores aos daquelas que não participaram do processo político. Além disso, doações a candidatos vencedores geram retorno superior aos de doações a candidatos perdedores; o que vai ao encontro da hipótese de retribuição de favores. De forma similar, contribuições a candidatos filiados à coligação do presidente eleito também apresentaram impacto superior quando comparadas com doações a candidatos da oposição. / This paper aims to identify potential benefits that companies obtain by contributing to political campaigns. We used an extensive database with information on donations to House, Senate and Presidency candidates in the 2006 and 2010 elections. The variables of interest analyzed were the cumulative abnormal return by the time the results of each election became know and the return on equity in the year following the election. Panel regressions were estimated as ordinary least squares (OLS), and fixed effects of year and industry were included. The results indicate that not only the market anticipates future benefits for companies that contributed to campaigns - which is reflected in positive cumulative abnormal returns at the announcement of the election results - but these companies also have higher returns on equity than those that were not involved in the political process. In addition, donations to winning candidates generate higher returns than donations to losing candidates; which supports the return of favors hypothesis. Similarly, contributions to candidates affiliated to the president’s coalition's also had higher impact when compared to donations to the oposition candidates.

This dissertation deals with the transcendental philosophy of Immanuel Kant. I provide the background of transcendental philosophy before Kant, beginning from Aristotle. Kant transformed Aristotelian transcendental philosophy by using the method of the sciences in the Modern period. This method was initiated by Francis Bacon, in his method of induction. Isaac Newton transformed the method so that it could deal with verification and falsification. This Newtonian method was taken up into chemistry, serving as a guide for the analysis and synthesis of elements. Kant used this method in his transcendental philosophy, with a view to putting metaphysics onto the path of a science. Kant was first awakened to transcendental idealism in 1769, though he did not put forth a full transcendental philosophy until 1781. In his mature transcendental philosophy, he not only uses the scientific method, but he also illustrates the categories using biological imagery. After looking at the broad contours of Kant's transcendental philosophy, I deal with the first criticism of his transcendental philosophy. In replying to his critic, Kant made explicit his scientific method, while drawing from the thought of David Hume and Thomas Reid. With Kant's explanations of his transcendental philosophy in hand, I turn to an element of his non-transcendental philosophy, namely moral philosophy, in order to provide a contrast that serves to illuminate the precise nature of his transcendental philosophy.

This dissertation addresses the economic behavior and political influence activities by lobbyists today by examining the existence, mechanisms, and welfare implications of commercial lobbying activities and their optimal regulation. In the second chapter of this dissertation, a novel model of lobbying is presented that explains the behavior of commercial lobbying firms (such as the so-called K-Street lobbyists of Washington, D.C.). In contrast to classical special interest groups, commercial lobbying firms represent a variety of clients and are not directly affected by policy outcomes. They are hired by citizens to advocate policy proposals to politicians that are beneficial to the citizens but also have social implications. Using a model with a market for lobbying services and agency relationships between lobbyists and policymakers it can be shown why commercial lobbying firms exist. It can also be shown that self-interested policymakers, who observe lobbying activities, may employ commercial lobbying firms in a socially inefficient manner. In the third chapter of this dissertation, the analysis examines the effective regulation of commercial lobbying activities and focuses on the endogenous choice of regulatory institutions. The analysis uses the model of commercial lobbying presented in the second chapter. I derive the institutional conditions under which a market outcome can be first-best as well as the conditions under which a first-best institution will be self-stable. One result is that current regulations may fail to be effective and cannot limit lobbyists' and policymakers' incentives to substitute financial contributions for the socially beneficial acquisition of information. Additional results explain why endogenous reforms may or may not occur. In the fourth chapter of this dissertation, the analysis uses a dynamic model of commercial lobbying with lobbyists who undertake unobservable investigation efforts and promise financial contributions. It is shown that repeated relationships with lobbyists simplify a policymaker's information and contracting problem and help policymakers to escape a "cheap talk" lobbying game. The welfare implications of these interactions depend on whether the policymakers' information or contracting problem predominates. Further, the policymaker's information problem may actually improve welfare outcomes. Similarly, financial contributions may also improve welfare outcomes. This dissertation includes unpublished co-authored material.

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Submitted by Raniere Barreto (raniere.barros@ufvjm.edu.br) on 2018-05-10T17:43:35Z No. of bitstreams: 2 license_rdf: 0 bytes, checksum: d41d8cd98f00b204e9800998ecf8427e (MD5) frederico_andrade_brant.pdf: 1198902 bytes, checksum: c9a41bf0fb860c2262e228dc6bd63ebe (MD5) / Approved for entry into archive by Rodrigo Martins Cruz (rodrigo.cruz@ufvjm.edu.br) on 2018-05-14T14:43:06Z (GMT) No. of bitstreams: 2 license_rdf: 0 bytes, checksum: d41d8cd98f00b204e9800998ecf8427e (MD5) frederico_andrade_brant.pdf: 1198902 bytes, checksum: c9a41bf0fb860c2262e228dc6bd63ebe (MD5) / Made available in DSpace on 2018-05-14T14:43:06Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 2 license_rdf: 0 bytes, checksum: d41d8cd98f00b204e9800998ecf8427e (MD5) frederico_andrade_brant.pdf: 1198902 bytes, checksum: c9a41bf0fb860c2262e228dc6bd63ebe (MD5) Previous issue date: 2016 / O presente trabalho aborda os recentes avan?os tecnol?gicos e o crescente progresso cient?fico, como respons?veis por in?meras transforma??es nas diversas ?reas do conhecimento humano, sobretudo, nas pesquisas da sa?de. Enumera suas implica??es sociais, ambientais, ?ticas e jur?dicas, seus benef?cios e malef?cios. Para tanto, identifica as fases de desenvolvimento hist?rico da bio?tica, desenvolve uma reflex?o sobre sua teoriza??o, sistematiza seus princ?pios, tece considera??es sobre a hist?ria e teoria dos direitos humanos e descreve sua atua??o no cen?rio nacional. Introduz a disciplina jur?dica do biodireito, seus conceitos e aplica??o, reflete sobre seu car?ter transdisciplinar e analisa a lei de biosseguran?a. Assim, tem-se que seu objetivo geral caracteriza-se por verificar quais as contribui??es da bio?tica e dos direitos humanos para a forma??o do biodireito brasileiro, na p?s-modernidade. O presente estudo, caracterizado por uma pesquisa qualitativa, bibliogr?fica e eminentemente documental, obteve como resultados a constata??o de que o biodireito brasileiro ? uma deriva??o jur?dica da bio?tica e que a Constitui??o Federal de 1988 decorreu diretamente dos princ?pios descritos nas declara??es internacionais de direitos humanos, que embasaram as normas jur?dicas de prote??o ? vida, delineadas no biodireito. Observou-se tamb?m a indissoci?vel rela??o entre a tr?ade de disciplinas mencionadas, como balizadoras dos aspectos decorrentes da experimenta??o cient?fica. / Disserta??o (Mestrado Profissional) ? Programa de P?s-Gradua??o em Tecnologia, Sa?de e Sociedade, Universidade Federal dos Vales do Jequitinhonha e Mucuri, 2016. / This present work deals with the new technological advances as well as with the scientific growing progress as responsible for many transformations on different human knowledge areas, especially on health researches. It enumerates its social, environmental, ethics and juridical implications, its benefits and detriments. Therefore, it identifies the bioethics development phases, it develops a reflection about its theorization, systematizes its principles, making considerations about human rights theory and history and finally, it describes its role into the national scenario. It introduces biolaw legal discipline, its concepts and application, making a reflection about its transdisciplinarity character and analyses the biosecurity law. Thus, the main goal of the present work was to verify bioethics and human rights contributions to Brazilian biolaw constitution, on post modernity. The present study is characterized by a qualitative research, as well as bibliographic and eminently documentary one and it had as results, the finding that Brazilian biolaw is a bioethic legal derivation and that 1988 Federal Constitution took place from the described principles of human rights international statements, which served as based to legal rules concerned to life protection, outlined on biolaw. It was also observed the inseparable relation among the triple mentioned subjects, responsible for marking out all the aspects due to scientific experimentation.

Within the first chapter I highlight the extent Platonism influenced modern eschatology and motives for mission. This dualism led to separating divine and secular history and suited the philosophy of secular historians and theologian's who had no taste for divine reality purveying both everyday history, and individual lives. The second chapter discusses how these views, because of Premillennial-Dispensationalism, created American fundamentalism that changed what motivates foreign and local missions. Oppression and the poor have become nothing more than the evidences of a corrupt world that is destined to be destroyed; hence, all stress is concentrated on saving individual souls from the wrath to come. The third chapter consists in analysing David Bosch's aversion to this very notion and his reasons for avoiding apocalyptic language in many of his writings. I conclude in agreement with Bosch's motivation for mission and a similar view of eschatology which embraces a present realised kingdom and a future consummation thereof. / Christian Spirituality, Church History and Missiology / M. Th. (Missiology)

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Este trabalho visa identificar possíveis vantagens que as empresas obtêm ao contribuir com campanhas políticas. Para isso, foi utilizada uma extensa base de dados com informações de doações a candidatos aos cargos de deputado, senador e presidente nas eleições de 2006 e 2010. As variáveis de interesse analisadas foram o retorno anormal cumulativo à época da divulgação do resultado das eleições e o retorno sobre o patrimônio líquido no ano posterior a cada eleição. Foram estimadas regressões de dados em painel através de mínimos quadrados ordinários, e incluídos efeitos fixos de ano e setor das empresas. Os resultados indicam que não apenas o mercado antecipa benefícios futuros para as empresas que contribuíram com campanhas – o que se reflete em retornos anormais cumulativos positivos à época da eleição – mas também estas empresas apresentam retornos sobre o patrimônio líquido superiores aos daquelas que não participaram do processo político. Além disso, doações a candidatos vencedores geram retorno superior aos de doações a candidatos perdedores; o que vai ao encontro da hipótese de retribuição de favores. De forma similar, contribuições a candidatos filiados à coligação do presidente eleito também apresentaram impacto superior quando comparadas com doações a candidatos da oposição. / This paper aims to identify potential benefits that companies obtain by contributing to political campaigns. We used an extensive database with information on donations to House, Senate and Presidency candidates in the 2006 and 2010 elections. The variables of interest analyzed were the cumulative abnormal return by the time the results of each election became know and the return on equity in the year following the election. Panel regressions were estimated as ordinary least squares (OLS), and fixed effects of year and industry were included. The results indicate that not only the market anticipates future benefits for companies that contributed to campaigns - which is reflected in positive cumulative abnormal returns at the announcement of the election results - but these companies also have higher returns on equity than those that were not involved in the political process. In addition, donations to winning candidates generate higher returns than donations to losing candidates; which supports the return of favors hypothesis. Similarly, contributions to candidates affiliated to the president’s coalition's also had higher impact when compared to donations to the oposition candidates.

As climate change continues to permeate the current political discourse and its effects becomes increasingly visible, the way countries respond to the situation is crucial for determining the extent of future environmental degradation. The Paris Agreement is an attempt to mitigate and adapt to the situation, however the western values tied to it have been criticised. The effectiveness of democracy in environmental protection has been questioned, especially its ties to capitalism and individualism. This thesis uses the theory of authoritarian environmentalism to investigate this debate and see whether the claims have any legitimacy in the context of the Paris Agreement and the promises made in relation to it.     This thesis is a structured focused comparison which compares the policies and projects in three democratic and three autocratic African countries in close geographical proximity and similar environmental situations, to investigate if and in what way the type of government affects the promises made, and whether they are kept, to the Paris Agreement and its signatories. The indicators used for the thesis include policies and internationally funded projects, due to their accessibility, however it is worth noting that they only give a crude approximation of the activities and ambition in the countries, with several others having important roles.    The quality of the six countries’ Intended Nationally Determined Contributions is investigated and followed up with an evaluation of some of the projects active to examine if the countries are implementing their promised efforts, already in these early, yet important, stages of the Agreement. In addition, the theory is applied to the countries’ efforts and some conclusions are reached, including the overall good quality of the countries’ environmental work and confirming that authoritarian countries can produce quality policies, while still having lacking areas, similar to their democratic counterparts, pointing to the complexity of the topic.

As críticas levantadas pela doutrina quanto ao instituto da execução de ofício das contribuições previdenciárias na Justiça do Trabalho culminam, quase sempre, na decretação de sua inconstitucionalidade ou, pelo menos, sustentam a sua incompatibilidade com o processo do trabalho. Os referidos posicionamentos desconsideram a importância do instituto e sua íntima relação com os desígnios da Justiça do Trabalho, em especial enquanto mecanismo de garantia de direitos previdenciários dos trabalhadores segurados. Como consequência dessas críticas, tem-se observado o apequenamento do instituto, pela não aceitação de sua incidência quanto às sentenças declaratórias, conforme entendimento hoje estampado na Súmula 368 do TST e em decisão do Plenário do STF, o que afronta diretamente o texto constitucional, que nenhuma diferença faz entre as espécies de provimentos judiciais. A má compreensão do instituto acarreta ainda a prevalência de interpretações incompatíveis com as normas e os princípios constitucionalmente consagrados, a exemplo da aceitação da sentença trabalhista como título executivo judicial para execução das contribuições previdenciárias, mas, em certas ocasiões, a negativa em acatar os seus termos como prova do preenchimento das condições necessárias à obtenção de prestações previdenciárias pelo trabalhador segurado, especialmente quando a decisão estiver baseada em acordo ou prova exclusivamente testemunhal. O referido entendimento quanto à valoração da sentença trabalhista vai contra a própria estruturação constitucional da filiação previdenciária, que prevê a formação de um vínculo único, do qual decorrem, ao mesmo tempo, a obrigação de contribuir para o sistema e o direito à obtenção de prestações previdenciárias. Assim, além da devida delimitação do sentido e alcance da competência constitucional para a execução de ofício das contribuições previdenciárias na Justiça do Trabalho, o presente estudo pretende apresentar uma crítica ao fato de o instituto ser encarado por parcela da doutrina e dos aplicadores do direito como um mero instrumento de arrecadação ou de facilitação fiscal, ofertando uma interpretação que prestigie a máxima eficácia da norma constitucional, a visão do processo como meio de realização dos direitos, a função social da Justiça do Trabalho, e os direitos fundamentais do trabalhador segurado, de sorte a ressaltar a utilidade e o destaque que o referido instrumento deveria ostentar. / The criticism raised by jurists regarding official enforcement of social security contributions in the Labor Courts almost always ends up resulting in a declaration of its unconstitutionality or, at least, is found to be incompatible with the Labor Process. The aforementioned positions do not consider the importance of the institute and its close relationship to the designs of the Labor Courts, particularly as a mechanism for guaranteeing social security rights to insured workers. As a result of this criticism, the institute has notably grown smaller because of a lack of acceptance of its applicability regarding declaratory judgments, as understood today by Supreme Labor Court (TST) Precedent 368 and an en banc Federal Supreme Court (STF) ruling, in direct contrast to the constitutional text, which does not differentiate between types of judicial decisions. Misunderstanding of the institute furthermore results in a preponderance of interpretations that are incompatible with constitutionally consecrated principles and standards, as seen by the acceptance of the labor ruling as a judicial execution instrument for enforcement of social security contributions; but, on certain occasions, it is negative in accepting its terms as proof of fulfillment of necessary conditions for obtaining social security payments from the insured worker, especially when the decision is based on an agreement or exclusively testimonial proof. This understanding regarding the appreciation of the labor ruling goes against the very constitutional structure of the social security affiliation, which establishes formation of one sole bond, from which the obligation to contribute to the system and the right to obtain social security payments simultaneously arise. Thus, in addition to due limitation of the meaning and scope of constitutional competency to officially enforce social security contributions in the Labor Courts, this study intends to present a critique of the fact that the institute is seen by some jurists and by those applying the law as a mere instrument of collection or fiscal collections, offering an interpretation that strives the utmost for maximum efficacy of the constitutional standard, the vision of the process as an instrument for achieving rights, the social function of the Labor Courts, and the fundamental rights of the insured worker, so as to underscore the importance and the prominence that the aforementioned instrument should display.