Coordenação de Aperfeiçoamento de Pessoal de Nível Superior / In this work, the Lagrangian stochastic particle model LAMBDA is utilized to simulate the dispersion and the transport of contaminants under different atmospheric conditions. The analysis employs three different field experiments of atmospheric diffusion: the Copenhagen experiment, which was accomplished in unstable conditions, the Prairie Grass experiment in which was considered only neutral stability cases (mean wind velocity higher than 6ms-1) and the INEL experiment occurring in low wind stable conditions and presenting wind meandering phenomenon. LAMBDA is a tridimensional model to simulate the pollutants dispersion over flat terrain. The model solves the generalized form the Langevin Equation and it can use the higher moments of Eulerian probability density function of the wind velocity fluctuations. The main aim of this work is to test a new parameterization for the parameters p and q which represent the frequency associated to the meandering phenomenon. The new parameterization is expressed in terms of m , a non-dimensional quantity that controls the meandering oscillation frequency, and T , a time scale associated to the coherent structures in a fully developed turbulence. The simulations show that the LAMBDA model incorporating this new parameterization reproduces correctly the enhanced diffusion of passive scalars in a low wind speed stable atmospheric boundary layer. / Neste trabalho é utilizado o modelo de partículas estocástico Lagrangeano LAMBDA para simular a dispersão e o transporte de contaminantes sob diferentes condições atmosféricas. A análise emprega três diferentes experimentos de difusão atmosférica: o experimento de Copenhagen, que foi realizado sob condições convectivas, o experimento de Prairie Grass, em que foram considerados somente os casos de estabilidade neutra (velocidades do vento médio maiores que 6m/s) e o experimento de INEL realizado em condições estáveis com velocidade do vento fraco e apresentando o fenômeno de meandro do vento. LAMBDA é um modelo tridimensional para simular a dispersão de poluentes sobre terreno plano. O modelo resolve a forma generalizada da Equação de Langevin e pode usar os momentos de ordem superior da função densidade de probabilidade Euleriana das flutuações da velocidade do vento. O principal objetivo deste trabalho é testar uma nova parametrização dos parâmetros p e q que representam as frequências associadas ao fenômeno de meandro do vento. Esta nova parametrização é descrita em termos de m , uma quantidade adimensional que controla a frequência de oscilação do meandro e T , uma escala de tempo associada às estruturas coerentes em uma turbulência bem desenvolvida. As simulações demonstram que o modelo LAMBDA incorporando esta nova parametrização reproduz corretamente a difusão de escalares passivos em uma camada limite atmosférica estável com velocidade do vento fraco.

Dominada durante a Guerra Fria pelas dinâmicas de segurança determinadas pelo conflito bipolar, a Europa Ocidental experimentou uma guinada nas dinâmicas de securitização no cenário pós-muro de Berlim consubstanciada pelo surgimento da concepção de novas ameaças integrantes do novo panorama de segurança da União Européia. Uma teia difusa de problemas começou a ser objeto de discursos legitimadores de políticas de emergência que alçaram o topo da agenda no campo da Cooperação européia em Justiça e Assuntos Internos numa Europa Ocidental sem fronteiras internas, conforme os Acordos de Schengen. Assim, começou a ter espaço o redimensionamento da noção de segurança na Europa e uma europeanização da segurança nacional que se traduziu no aprofundamento da cooperação securitária interna. A imigração, como elemento integrante do campo de Justiça e Assuntos Internos, conheceu essa transformação em problema de segurança a partir da década de 1980. O fenômeno pode ser claramente observado nas fronteiras que separam Espanha do Norte da África, em especial o Marrocos. A porosidade das fronteiras espanholas, despreparadas para lidar com o fenômeno da imigração, provocou um aumento progressivo na entrada de marroquinos no país durante os anos 1980, principalmente após o ingresso da Espanha nas Comunidades Européias em 1986. O acesso da Espanha aos Acordos de Schengen em 1991 ocasionou um maior controle de fronteiras pelo país, que passou a exigir visto de entrada aos imigrantes marroquinos. A medida seguiu-se à implantação de uma legislação imigratória restritiva no país, de proteção do mercado de trabalho interno, que provocou o aumento da clandestinidade dos residentes. Durante uma década, marcada por políticas de regularização e/ou retorno de imigrantes ilegais, a Espanha consolidou um sistema de controle imigratório que seguiu a tendência predominante em toda a União Européia: a securitização do controle dos fluxos, especialmente os ilegais, reflexo das dinâmicas de securitização que passaram a integrar o panorama de segurança da Europa após a Guerra Fria. Essa securitização não é construída objetivamente. Sua realização se dá pela retórica de segurança que gera a tomada de medidas urgentes, ainda que o problema não se constitua necessariamente numa ameaça em termos objetivos. O problema da imigração ilegal na Europa é, a priori, um problema social, originado pelas parcas condições socioeconômicas que os imigrantes possuem em seus países de origem. Mas a retórica de segurança que predomina à menção do tema, a associação quase imediata da imigração ilegal com o terrorismo, desconsidera as razões econômicas e políticas que motivam a realização do fenômeno, e restringe sua lida quase que exclusivamente à esfera securitária. A relevância do tema vem, portanto, da necessidade da investigação empírica dos mecanismos de securitização que tornaram a imigração ilegal um problema de segurança. Os grandes atentados terroristas inaugurados pelo 11 de Setembro de 2001 aprofundaram esse nexo segurança-migração, o que justifica a pesquisa do impacto desse terrorismo global na securitização da imigração ilegal, especialmente na fronteira Espanha-Marrocos. / Ruled, during the Cold War, by the security dynamics of the bipolar conflict, West Europe has experimented a significant change in its securitization dynamics in post-wall scenario, since the arrival of new conceptions of threat integrating the new security framework of the European Union. A numerous amount of problems has started to be object of discourses trying to legitimate emergency politics that have reached the top of the Agenda in the field of European cooperation in Justice and Home Affairs, in an Europe without internal barriers. Therefore, a new dimension of the notion of security in Europe has started to take place, originating an europeanization of the national securities, improving the internal security cooperation. Immigration, as part of the field of Justice and Home Affairs, has turned into a security problem since the 1980’s. This happens very clearly in the boundaries between Spain and North Africa, specially Morocco. The weak spanish frontiers were not prepared to deal with the immigration phenomenon. A consequence was the progressive raise of moroccan entry in the country during the 1980’s, specially after Spain’s access to the European Communities in 1986. The entering of Spain to the Schengen community has caused the improvement of the boundaries’ control across the country, that had started to demand an entry visa to morrocan immigrants. Following this measure, Spain issued a restrictive migratory legislation, including protection of the internal job market, causing a raise of illegal residents. During a whole decade, marked by regularizations and/or return of illegal migrants, Spain has made strong a migratory control system that has followed the main trend all over European Union: the securitization of the illegal migration, as a reflex of the securitization dynamics that started to integrate the European security framework after the Cold War. This securitization is not objectively constructed. Its realization happens trough the security rhetoric that leads to urgent measures, even when the problem does not constitute a threat, objectively speaking. The “problem” of illegal immigration in Europe is, at first, a social problem, caused by the poor social and economic conditions of countries of origin. Nevertheless, the security rhetoric spoken in every mention of the theme and the almost immediate association between illegal immigration and terrorism is not aware of the economic and political reasons that motivate the phenomenon, that is dealed with in a security scope. The importance of the theme is, therefore, the necessity of empiric investigation of the securitization mechanisms that have turned illegal immigration into a security problem. The great terrorists attacks that have started in September 11th 2001 caused the grown of the security-migration nexus, justifying the research about the impact of the global terrorism in the securitization of illegal immigration, specially in Spain-Morocco frontier.

Since the US election in the fall of 2016, China have been looked towards to fill a leadership position in climate change negotiations. This essay focuses on determining China's efficiency in the COP15 and COP22 negotiations in establishing its ambitions and policy objectives. The results show that China was very effective in achieveing their policy aims both at COP15 and COP22 even if the negotiations had different aims. The overall performance of China has affected the COP outcomes and helped its establishment of a leadership role within the group of developing countries in the UNFCCC. This essay also shows that the prior expectation for a UNFCCC climate change negotiation might be a better explanatory factor than institutional goal in determining policy objectives in effectiveness studies.

The paper gives a picture of Turkey`s readiness for the membership in the EU. The Copenhagen criteria serve as a base for illustration of the status quo of Turkey`s preparation process. As Turkey`s negotiation process has already last for several decades, the first part of the thesis briefly describes the development of relations between EU and Turkey. The second part concentrates on the Copenhagen criteria and explains its origins as well as its content. Finally, the last part of thesis examinates to what extent Turkey fulfills the given areas of political and economic Copenhagen criteria. The focus was given on the most problematic areas as the main aim was to explain the origins of these problems and consequent obstacles Turkey has to tackle.

This thesis deals with identification, analysis and critical assessment of challenges for international relations arising in the Arctic in connection with global climate change, which results mainly into decrease of the sea ice. Copenhagen School forms the primary theoretical bedrock of the thesis. The thesis maps the approach of different theoretical paradigms to the Arctic region throughout the history and on this basis it justifies the relevance of application of the concept of security sectors defined by Copenhagen School on the region. The thesis also maps the current governance mechanisms of the Arctic region as far as international law and institutional arrangements are concerned. The analysis of concrete challenges for international relations is structured according to the sectors of security defined by Copenhagen School. Thus, challenges in the environmental, societal, economic, political and military sectors are examined.

Language and discourse can create a space where political decision-making and action is accepted despite its untypical nature. The goal of the study is to un-derstand how political discourse is constructed with the aim of legitimizing ex-traordinary action in relation to the framework of securitization. The study revolves around how and why President Trump discursively attempts to legitimize his order that led to the assassination of Iranian Major General Soleimani, on the 2nd of Jan-uary 2020, by conducting a discourse analysis of two speeches delivered within the first week following the event. The study contributes with insight on the particular case, and shows how Maj. Gen. Soleimani is represented as an irrational terrorist, who posed imminent danger to the American people. The act attempted legitimized is presented as done in the name of ‘security’ which seeks to justify the notion of President Trump ‘breaking free’ of usual procedures. The main conclusions of the study are the presented legitimatization strategies, including the linguistic constella-tion of an existential threat, the allusion of a hypothetical future and the exploitation of emotional trauma. Moreover, the findings uncover that a securitization move has taken place within the analyzed speeches.

HIV/AIDS is for many decades one of the major global health issues. It has, therefore, attracted attention of scholars from different fields of study, including security studies. This Master's Thesis seeks to contribute to debates surrounding the issue of securitizing the HIV/AIDS pandemic. The main aim of this thesis is to apply the Copenhagen School's theoretical framework on the case of HIV/AIDS, evaluate the possibility of explaining the international reaction to the pandemic through securitization, and assess whether or not the HIV/AIDS was successfully securitized in South Africa, mainly through effort of the relevant international actors. The case of the Republic of South Africa was chosen because it is one of the worst affected countries by the disease in the world. After discussing the Copenhagen School's securitization theory and its critics, the origins, progression and nature of the disease is explained. The thesis then proceeds with the description and examination of the current state of the epidemic in South Africa as well as the negative influence the segregation and apartheid policy had on the perception of the disease and its spread. The thesis looks at possible securitizing actors of the issue and analysis their discourse in the search for securitizing moves associated with...

Burnout is a prevalent problem in South Africa, affecting individuals and organisations in various industries. The study of burnout in South Africa is important in order to solve the burnout problem. Valid and reliable measurement instruments are necessary to conduct studies on burnout. The Copenhagen Burnout Inventory was developed as a result of criticism against the most popular burnout measure, namely the Maslach Burnout Inventory. The Copenhagen Burnout Inventory measures burnout in terms of three factors, namely personal burnout, work-related burnout and client-related burnout. Although the Copenhagen Burnout Inventory is a unique tool for the measurement of burnout, very little attention has been paid to determining the psychometric properties of this instrument. The purpose of the study was to determine whether the Copenhagen Burnout Inventory can be used as a valid and reliable measure for burnout in South Africa. The research methodology followed a quantitative survey research approach. A non-probability snowball sample of 215 respondents completed the Copenhagen Burnout Inventory. Data obtained was used to conduct an exploratory factor analysis and internal reliability analysis. The study proved that the Copenhagen Burnout Inventory can be used in South Africa to measure two factors with high internal reliabilities, namely exhaustion (á=0.935) and client-related burnout (á=0.913). It is recommended that additional items based on withdrawal should be added to the work-related burnout scale of the Copenhagen Burnout Inventory. Such additional items might possibly lead to confirmation of the original three-factor model in a South African context. / Dissertation (MCom)--University of Pretoria, 2011. / Human Resource Management / unrestricted

The EU has taken a major role in The Republic of Kosovo, creating a new future for the country via the EU office in Kosovo with its role in implementing EU norms in Kosovo. Kosovo is a potential candidate state for the EU and has declared its interest in becoming an EU member state.  Kosovo has implemented crucial reforms and shows commitment to advancing on its European path. Kosovo does not fulfil the general requirements for the accession based on the Copenhagen criteria yet, and there remain major internal and external hindrances to its membership. The rule of law, despite the progress made in adapting the legal framework, Kosovo needs to step up its efforts to strengthen the independence of the judiciary. Additionally, Kosovo must fight corrupted structures and organised crime by building strong and independent institutions. Furthermore, reforms in the economic area are needed to tackle Kosovo's informal economy and unemployment. Despite, the Copenhagen Criteria, the main hindrances are the five non-recognizers in the EU and the required normalization process with Serbia. Kosovo must get its independence recognized by the five non-recognizers in the EU and stabilize its relations with Serbia before focusing on the accession to the EU.

This thesis scrutinises the European Commission’s discourse surrounding the externalisation of migration and asylum policies and discusses what potential implications this may have on the right to asylum. The aim of this work is to increase the understanding of how migration and security are discursively connected and identify what this discourse looks like. The study is placed in the context of a scientific debate on the Securitisation of migration and the externalisation of migration management. By means of a Critical Discourse Analysis, based on the work of Norman Fairclough, speeches and press releases produced by the European Commission are analysed. The analysis departs from the theoretical framework of the Copenhagen School of Security Studies and the concept of Securitisation, which suggests that political narratives have direct effects on policies. The theory also argues that when a phenomenon is securitised, policy measures that would otherwise not be acceptable, become legitimised in dealing with a constructed threat. The thesis presents three findings. The first main finding is that the Commission legitimises the externalisation of EU borders through a humanitarian discourse, arguing that the increased restrictions and shifting of responsibilities to third countries are necessary to protect migrants from human smugglers. Second, the current EU agenda risks limiting mobility in countries outside of the EU, thus creating large camps with substandard living conditions. And finally, from a human rights perspective, there is a great risk with the continued collective expulsions and pushbacks from EU territory, given that the mandate of Frontex is only seen to increase.