Parsimony, sometime referred to as simplicity, is an effective criterion of theory choice in the case of Quantum Mechanics. The Copenhagen and Bohmian interpretations are rival theories, with the Bohmian interpretation being more parsimonious. More parsimonious theories have a higher probability of being true than less parsimonious rivals. The Bohmian interpretation should thus be preferred on these grounds.

This thesis is about Turkish accession to the European Union and criteria to be fulfilled in order to become a member state. At Helsinki summit there were defined four main areas, that are the main obstacles of Turkish membership in the structures of EU – military influence in domestic politics, economy disproportions, the issues of minorities living in Turkey and problems with obeying human rights and fundamental freedoms. In addition the attitude among European countries and Turkish political elites has changed dramatically since 1999. There is a great discussion, whose main purpose is, to show if Turkey should or shouldn’t become a part of united Europe. With the help of created conceptual framework, which is empirically based on qualitative methods and with theoretical approach in form of analysis considering human rights, I have developed a set of three hypotheses, that are based on primary and secondary sources like EU, Human Rights Watch, Amnesty International reports considering changes of Turkish attitude to the question of human rights. In the process of testing validity or invalidity of those hypotheses, I have tried to conclude, why the implication of reforms considering human is the main obstacle of Turkish membership in the EU. / <p>The paper may be used free, but it is forbidden to copy or use directly any parts of it without earlier contact with author.</p>

This study got its origin in the failed climate negotiations in the Copenhagen 2009 summit. By conducting a public good game, with participants from China and Sweden, my study indicates that previous studies on public good games can predict the outcome of the game to a quit large extent even though most of my statistical tests came out statistically insignificant. My study also indicates that by framing the game as climate negotiations there were no statistical significant difference on the level of contributions in comparison to the unframed versions of the game. The awareness of the issues with emissions, global warming and other environmental problems are pretty high but even so when push comes to shove gains in the short run are prioritized to gains in the long run. There are however hypothetical willingness to come to term with the environmental issues. The results of the study indicate that the outcome of the Copenhagen summit can be avoidable but would need additional experiments made on cultural differences and behavior.

<p>Abstract</p><p>The thesis investigates how the European Union promotes stability and security in the Mediterranean region. The aim is to analyse the European Union’s security ambitions with Euro-Mediterranean Partnership, the Barcelona Process. An analytical framework with five sectors (military, political, economic, environmental and societal), based on the Copenhagen School’s theories about security sectors and securitization, is used for the analysis. Within the framework threats, objectives and methods are categorized into each security sector. Then it is possible to distinguish if any sector is more prioritised by the EU. Qualitative text analysis is used to examine relevant EU-documents. The result of the analysis shows that the European Union prioritizes the economical and societal sector in promoting peace and security within the Euro-Mediterranean Partnership. Through economical integration and cultural dialogue, the EU tries to enhance security and stability. The EU emphasises the importance of global governance and international law for a stable peace. The study concludes that the widened concept of security, within the Copenhagen School, can help to explain the European Union’s work inside the Euro-Mediterranean Partnership.</p>

Thesis (Doctorat)--Université de Paris. / Includes bibliographical references (leaves 324-340) and index.

The free movement of the Roma minority has become questioned within the European Union. This study seeks to understand why this question has reached disproportionally importance in comparison to the number of Roma migrants within the union, and to understand the great attention given to the question. Based on the Copenhagen’s school of securitization, the purpose of this study is to show how this magnification of the question occurs due to the framing of the Roma migrants as a security problem. Focusing on the speech act of the securitization theory, this paper contains a study of political actor’s statements concerning Roma migrants. Using a framing methodology combined with the conditions for a successful securitization, speeches and statements are analyzed to determine how the Roma migrants are framed as societal threats in politics of France, Sweden and the European Commission. The result of the study show that a securitization has taken place in French politics, similar signs of the beginning of the securitizing process can be found in the Swedish political discourse. The Commission’s speech act concern the member states treatment of the Roma migrants, and especially the questioning of their right to free movement.

The bicycle is an individual means of transport. Many people prefer to cycle over short distances and in congested areas rather than take travel by car or public transport. This is a study of the use of bicycle as an option for commuting to work. It is a comparison between three cities: Stockholm, Copenhagen and London. The comparison is focused on solutions that benefit commuter cyclist and performed by studying cycle policies and other related documents. Results of this study shows that bicycle commuters are a targeted group in cycle policies in all three cities, for commuter traffic to increase booth an enhanced sense of security and the opportunity to travel at a high speed by bicycle is important.. In Stockholm and London efforts to increase the number of cyclists begin by improving the quality of transport for those who already cycle. The cycle network in Copenhagen is more comprehensive and the level of bicycle use and commuting is at significant higher level in comparison to Stockholm and London. The possibility to combine cycling and public transport is a target for all three cities, one important measure is to increase bicycle parking facilities at terminals and other public places. Although there are differences in the three cities regarding bicycle commuting today, targets and measures for the futures they do correspond in quite a few places; parallels that could serve as examples of the ways in which a high degree of bicycle commuting can be attained.

The aim of this paper is to try and answer, to what extent Turkey is fulfilling the Copenhagen Criteria and in which criteria it is seen to be more fragile respective stronger during the years 2015-2016. The study tries to answer the question ”to what extent is Turkey fulfilling the Copenhagen Criteria?”, exploring all three of them, trying to answer where Turkey stands in relation to each one of them. This is a theory consuming study. It is a case study, that uses a theory based on the Copenhagen Criteria, and this is combined with the empirical material collected from trustworthy sources to put forth answers in order to answer the questions of the research. The results of the study show that there are something fulfilled in all three criteria, where its strength can be found in its economy, and is considered to be very competitive on the market. The weaknesses are many, but are clearest in the first criteria, where it shows several flaws regarding e.g. its judiciary problems.

Dominada durante a Guerra Fria pelas dinâmicas de segurança determinadas pelo conflito bipolar, a Europa Ocidental experimentou uma guinada nas dinâmicas de securitização no cenário pós-muro de Berlim consubstanciada pelo surgimento da concepção de novas ameaças integrantes do novo panorama de segurança da União Européia. Uma teia difusa de problemas começou a ser objeto de discursos legitimadores de políticas de emergência que alçaram o topo da agenda no campo da Cooperação européia em Justiça e Assuntos Internos numa Europa Ocidental sem fronteiras internas, conforme os Acordos de Schengen. Assim, começou a ter espaço o redimensionamento da noção de segurança na Europa e uma europeanização da segurança nacional que se traduziu no aprofundamento da cooperação securitária interna. A imigração, como elemento integrante do campo de Justiça e Assuntos Internos, conheceu essa transformação em problema de segurança a partir da década de 1980. O fenômeno pode ser claramente observado nas fronteiras que separam Espanha do Norte da África, em especial o Marrocos. A porosidade das fronteiras espanholas, despreparadas para lidar com o fenômeno da imigração, provocou um aumento progressivo na entrada de marroquinos no país durante os anos 1980, principalmente após o ingresso da Espanha nas Comunidades Européias em 1986. O acesso da Espanha aos Acordos de Schengen em 1991 ocasionou um maior controle de fronteiras pelo país, que passou a exigir visto de entrada aos imigrantes marroquinos. A medida seguiu-se à implantação de uma legislação imigratória restritiva no país, de proteção do mercado de trabalho interno, que provocou o aumento da clandestinidade dos residentes. Durante uma década, marcada por políticas de regularização e/ou retorno de imigrantes ilegais, a Espanha consolidou um sistema de controle imigratório que seguiu a tendência predominante em toda a União Européia: a securitização do controle dos fluxos, especialmente os ilegais, reflexo das dinâmicas de securitização que passaram a integrar o panorama de segurança da Europa após a Guerra Fria. Essa securitização não é construída objetivamente. Sua realização se dá pela retórica de segurança que gera a tomada de medidas urgentes, ainda que o problema não se constitua necessariamente numa ameaça em termos objetivos. O problema da imigração ilegal na Europa é, a priori, um problema social, originado pelas parcas condições socioeconômicas que os imigrantes possuem em seus países de origem. Mas a retórica de segurança que predomina à menção do tema, a associação quase imediata da imigração ilegal com o terrorismo, desconsidera as razões econômicas e políticas que motivam a realização do fenômeno, e restringe sua lida quase que exclusivamente à esfera securitária. A relevância do tema vem, portanto, da necessidade da investigação empírica dos mecanismos de securitização que tornaram a imigração ilegal um problema de segurança. Os grandes atentados terroristas inaugurados pelo 11 de Setembro de 2001 aprofundaram esse nexo segurança-migração, o que justifica a pesquisa do impacto desse terrorismo global na securitização da imigração ilegal, especialmente na fronteira Espanha-Marrocos. / Ruled, during the Cold War, by the security dynamics of the bipolar conflict, West Europe has experimented a significant change in its securitization dynamics in post-wall scenario, since the arrival of new conceptions of threat integrating the new security framework of the European Union. A numerous amount of problems has started to be object of discourses trying to legitimate emergency politics that have reached the top of the Agenda in the field of European cooperation in Justice and Home Affairs, in an Europe without internal barriers. Therefore, a new dimension of the notion of security in Europe has started to take place, originating an europeanization of the national securities, improving the internal security cooperation. Immigration, as part of the field of Justice and Home Affairs, has turned into a security problem since the 1980’s. This happens very clearly in the boundaries between Spain and North Africa, specially Morocco. The weak spanish frontiers were not prepared to deal with the immigration phenomenon. A consequence was the progressive raise of moroccan entry in the country during the 1980’s, specially after Spain’s access to the European Communities in 1986. The entering of Spain to the Schengen community has caused the improvement of the boundaries’ control across the country, that had started to demand an entry visa to morrocan immigrants. Following this measure, Spain issued a restrictive migratory legislation, including protection of the internal job market, causing a raise of illegal residents. During a whole decade, marked by regularizations and/or return of illegal migrants, Spain has made strong a migratory control system that has followed the main trend all over European Union: the securitization of the illegal migration, as a reflex of the securitization dynamics that started to integrate the European security framework after the Cold War. This securitization is not objectively constructed. Its realization happens trough the security rhetoric that leads to urgent measures, even when the problem does not constitute a threat, objectively speaking. The “problem” of illegal immigration in Europe is, at first, a social problem, caused by the poor social and economic conditions of countries of origin. Nevertheless, the security rhetoric spoken in every mention of the theme and the almost immediate association between illegal immigration and terrorism is not aware of the economic and political reasons that motivate the phenomenon, that is dealed with in a security scope. The importance of the theme is, therefore, the necessity of empiric investigation of the securitization mechanisms that have turned illegal immigration into a security problem. The great terrorists attacks that have started in September 11th 2001 caused the grown of the security-migration nexus, justifying the research about the impact of the global terrorism in the securitization of illegal immigration, specially in Spain-Morocco frontier.

Dominada durante a Guerra Fria pelas dinâmicas de segurança determinadas pelo conflito bipolar, a Europa Ocidental experimentou uma guinada nas dinâmicas de securitização no cenário pós-muro de Berlim consubstanciada pelo surgimento da concepção de novas ameaças integrantes do novo panorama de segurança da União Européia. Uma teia difusa de problemas começou a ser objeto de discursos legitimadores de políticas de emergência que alçaram o topo da agenda no campo da Cooperação européia em Justiça e Assuntos Internos numa Europa Ocidental sem fronteiras internas, conforme os Acordos de Schengen. Assim, começou a ter espaço o redimensionamento da noção de segurança na Europa e uma europeanização da segurança nacional que se traduziu no aprofundamento da cooperação securitária interna. A imigração, como elemento integrante do campo de Justiça e Assuntos Internos, conheceu essa transformação em problema de segurança a partir da década de 1980. O fenômeno pode ser claramente observado nas fronteiras que separam Espanha do Norte da África, em especial o Marrocos. A porosidade das fronteiras espanholas, despreparadas para lidar com o fenômeno da imigração, provocou um aumento progressivo na entrada de marroquinos no país durante os anos 1980, principalmente após o ingresso da Espanha nas Comunidades Européias em 1986. O acesso da Espanha aos Acordos de Schengen em 1991 ocasionou um maior controle de fronteiras pelo país, que passou a exigir visto de entrada aos imigrantes marroquinos. A medida seguiu-se à implantação de uma legislação imigratória restritiva no país, de proteção do mercado de trabalho interno, que provocou o aumento da clandestinidade dos residentes. Durante uma década, marcada por políticas de regularização e/ou retorno de imigrantes ilegais, a Espanha consolidou um sistema de controle imigratório que seguiu a tendência predominante em toda a União Européia: a securitização do controle dos fluxos, especialmente os ilegais, reflexo das dinâmicas de securitização que passaram a integrar o panorama de segurança da Europa após a Guerra Fria. Essa securitização não é construída objetivamente. Sua realização se dá pela retórica de segurança que gera a tomada de medidas urgentes, ainda que o problema não se constitua necessariamente numa ameaça em termos objetivos. O problema da imigração ilegal na Europa é, a priori, um problema social, originado pelas parcas condições socioeconômicas que os imigrantes possuem em seus países de origem. Mas a retórica de segurança que predomina à menção do tema, a associação quase imediata da imigração ilegal com o terrorismo, desconsidera as razões econômicas e políticas que motivam a realização do fenômeno, e restringe sua lida quase que exclusivamente à esfera securitária. A relevância do tema vem, portanto, da necessidade da investigação empírica dos mecanismos de securitização que tornaram a imigração ilegal um problema de segurança. Os grandes atentados terroristas inaugurados pelo 11 de Setembro de 2001 aprofundaram esse nexo segurança-migração, o que justifica a pesquisa do impacto desse terrorismo global na securitização da imigração ilegal, especialmente na fronteira Espanha-Marrocos. / Ruled, during the Cold War, by the security dynamics of the bipolar conflict, West Europe has experimented a significant change in its securitization dynamics in post-wall scenario, since the arrival of new conceptions of threat integrating the new security framework of the European Union. A numerous amount of problems has started to be object of discourses trying to legitimate emergency politics that have reached the top of the Agenda in the field of European cooperation in Justice and Home Affairs, in an Europe without internal barriers. Therefore, a new dimension of the notion of security in Europe has started to take place, originating an europeanization of the national securities, improving the internal security cooperation. Immigration, as part of the field of Justice and Home Affairs, has turned into a security problem since the 1980’s. This happens very clearly in the boundaries between Spain and North Africa, specially Morocco. The weak spanish frontiers were not prepared to deal with the immigration phenomenon. A consequence was the progressive raise of moroccan entry in the country during the 1980’s, specially after Spain’s access to the European Communities in 1986. The entering of Spain to the Schengen community has caused the improvement of the boundaries’ control across the country, that had started to demand an entry visa to morrocan immigrants. Following this measure, Spain issued a restrictive migratory legislation, including protection of the internal job market, causing a raise of illegal residents. During a whole decade, marked by regularizations and/or return of illegal migrants, Spain has made strong a migratory control system that has followed the main trend all over European Union: the securitization of the illegal migration, as a reflex of the securitization dynamics that started to integrate the European security framework after the Cold War. This securitization is not objectively constructed. Its realization happens trough the security rhetoric that leads to urgent measures, even when the problem does not constitute a threat, objectively speaking. The “problem” of illegal immigration in Europe is, at first, a social problem, caused by the poor social and economic conditions of countries of origin. Nevertheless, the security rhetoric spoken in every mention of the theme and the almost immediate association between illegal immigration and terrorism is not aware of the economic and political reasons that motivate the phenomenon, that is dealed with in a security scope. The importance of the theme is, therefore, the necessity of empiric investigation of the securitization mechanisms that have turned illegal immigration into a security problem. The great terrorists attacks that have started in September 11th 2001 caused the grown of the security-migration nexus, justifying the research about the impact of the global terrorism in the securitization of illegal immigration, specially in Spain-Morocco frontier.