Given the armed conflict in Ukraine, the terrorist attacks in Paris and elsewhere in Europe and the pressing issue of climate change one could argue that there are no longer room for just one sector in security studies. Based on Barry Buzan, Ole Wæver and Jaap de Wilde’s theory of securitization the aim of this paper is to study whether the Swedish Defense Committee perceive threats in any sectors other than the traditional military sector in its two reports or not and therefore also if the Defense Committee has adapted the wider security concept; and if so answer the question of what other sectors the Committee put forward in the reports. The aim is also to compare the findings in the two reports with each other to point out similarities and differences the Defense Committee’s perception of threats. The method used in this paper was an intense qualitative content analysis where the author manually examined the two reports to find indications on what kind of threats was present in the reports and how they were presented. The result of the study shows that all sectors with the exception of the societal sector in the Copenhagen School were present in the reports. An additional result of the study was that there were many similarities and differences in the reports; one similarity being that Russia was perceived as a threat in both reports while one distinction was the only in the latest report were a global financial crisis perceived as a threat.

Europeiska Unionens arbete är mångsidigt, och innefattar även normativa delar. Principer om demokrati, rättssäkerhet och mänskliga rättigheter finns exempelvis fördragsstadgade i Artikel 2 i Lissabonfördraget. Trots EU:s normativa värderingar har vi de senaste åren sett hur situationer utvecklats i ett flertal medlemsländer där dessa värderingar på olika sätt kränkts, exempelvis i Ungern, Rumänien och Polen. Utvecklingen kan få stora konsekvenser dels inom unionen men också för EU:s legitimitet som en normativ internationell aktör. Det är oklart hur dessa situationer kan hanteras av EU, och problemet som uppkommit har kommit att kallas Köpenhamnsdilemmat. Syftet med denna uppsats är att belysa den debatt som pågår kring Köpenhamnsdilemmat, genom att urskilja, beskriva och analysera debattens huvudståndpunkter och de argument som först fram.  Uppsatsen urskiljer 4 huvudståndpunkter i debatten: EU bör ej ingripa, EU bör ingripa genom juridiska institutioner, EU bör ingripa genom politiska institutioner, och EU bör ingripa genom oberoende institutioner. Ståndpunkterna och deras argument utkristalliseras och beskrivs genom en beskrivande idéanalys samt undersökts närmare i en jämförande analys.  Undersökningen har funnit att de tre ståndpunkter som anser att EU bör ingripa har en liknande problembeskrivning. EU anses först och främst ha en normativ sida, där principer om rättsäkerhet, demokrati och mänskliga rättigheter bör upprätthållas i samtliga medlemsländer. Aktörerna pekar dessutom ut en bristande efterlevnad av dessa principer, vilket anses vara ett problem för både EU och unionens medlemsländer. EU bör således ingripa när medlemsländer bryter mot principerna, men saknar idag effektiva mekanismer för att göra så. Aktörerna föreslår därför en rad olika lösningar, som utgör grunden för indelningen av de tre ståndpunkterna. Bland de aktörer som anser att EU inte bör ingripa återfanns ett flertal argument: att EU inte har mandat att intervenera, att ingripanden kränker medlemsländernas suveränitet, och att EU har hanterat processerna felaktigt då deras kritik är politiskt motiverad, debatten elitistisk eller anklagelserna orättvisa och felaktiga. Dessa aktörers lösningsförslag blir följaktligen att EU inte bör ingripa, antingen gällande samtliga eller enbart specifika situationer, när medlemsländer anses bryta mot principerna om rättsäkerhet, demokrati och mänskliga rättigheter. Den jämförande analysen fann att aktörernas lösningsförslag väl följer deras problembeskrivning. En bild av problemet som övergripande följs exempelvis av ett lösningsförslag bestående av en bred mekanism, medan en mer specifik bild av problemet återföljs av en snävare fokuserad mekanism. Analysen fann även att debattens aktörer vanligtvis har en antingen pragmatisk eller idealistisk utgångspunkt, och att deras problembeskrivning, argumentation och därmed även lösningsförslag påverkas av denna utgångspunkt.

The overall aim of this study is to determine the impact of text and language in the form of how political speech can affect and form a discourse that excludes a certain category of people and how such an exclusion leads to exercise of power beyond normal, democratic rules of state intervention towards said group of people. This is a case study investigating the drug war of the Philippines, initiated by the country’s president Rodrigo Duterte, and his speeches related to the drug issue. The method of use is discourse analysis and the study is based upon the international relations theory of securitization by the so called Copenhagen School, consisting of Barry Buzan, Ole Wæver & Jaap de Wilde. Among the key findings are the picture of a discourse, formed by political speech, where individuals using or dealing with drugs are described as a threat is a central aspect, alongside with discursive elements such as a collective identity, human rights aspects, economic arguments, the future of the nation, certain values and the judicial system. These elements and values are given meaning as reference objects and within the discourse that makes them part of the establishment of a notion where people who use or deal with drugs are regarded as a threat and therefore can be legitimate subjects of exercise of power outside of the normal rules of democratic authority. Keywords: securitization, drugs, Philippines, discourse analysis, Copenhagen School, extra- judicial executions, otherness.

The EU is an organisation built on the concept of democracy. However, recent developments within certain member-states clearly contradict this claim. A paradox has hence occurred, which is referred to as the “Copenhagen-Dilemma”; only fully democratic states can become members of the union - but once a membership exists, the EU has proven inadequate to deal with democratic backsliding-tendencies. This essay argues that the political debate regarding this dilemma constitutes of at least two main categories of articles and within each of these, three positions can be found: Those focusing on causes to the problem and further how it can be understood are the ‘problem-oriented’ articles. Those arguing for solutions to the Copenhagen-dilemma are the ‘solution-oriented’ articles. Voices within this second category have been examined further in the analysis. They all accept the democratic deficit to be a problem for the EU – but the three positions offer different perceptions on how it can be countered most effectively: 1) The Conservatives; argues that the EU should use the tools already available and instead change their praxis 2) The Reformists; argues that the EU should further develop and reform the available tools 3) The Radicals; argues that the problem has caused a need for new institutions and tools to be created within the EU

This paper examines the securitization of education in Hungary during 2017 according to the statements of prime minister Viktor Orbán in official speeches published on the Hungarian government’s website. This quantiative examination combines the methods of discourse analysis, taking off from the works of Ernesto Laclau and Chantal Mouffe, partially extended with the comments of Marianne Winther Jørgensen and Louise Phillips, with the Copenhangen School’s dictum on securitization being performed through a speech act. It is argued that securitization can be used in examining the sudden changes in the Amendments to the Law on National Higher Education (education policy), a combination which is not a traditional proceeding in security research. The findings of the paper show on one hand Hungary’s shifting role within the European Union (EU) as a more, respectively less, independent member depending on the topic being discussed, and on the other that the principal referent objects in a security discourse is the Hungarian nation, with Central European University (CEU) as the particular target to the changes, essentially being accused to be part of an illegal network sponsored by George Soros with the aim to facilitate illegal migration (sic!), which from a securitization move perspective therefore legitimizes immediate action by the Hungarian government.

<p>This thesis is about Turkish accession to the European Union and criteria to be fulfilled in order to become a member state. At Helsinki summit there were defined four main areas, that are the main obstacles of Turkish membership in the structures of EU – military influence in domestic politics, economy disproportions, the issues of minorities living in Turkey and problems with obeying human rights and fundamental freedoms. In addition the attitude among European countries and Turkish political elites has changed dramatically since 1999. There is a great discussion, whose main purpose is, to show if Turkey should or shouldn’t become a part of united Europe. With the help of created conceptual framework, which is empirically based on qualitative methods and with theoretical approach in form of analysis considering human rights, I have developed a set of three hypotheses, that are based on primary and secondary sources like EU, Human Rights Watch, Amnesty International reports considering changes of Turkish attitude to the question of human rights. In the process of testing validity or invalidity of those hypotheses, I have tried to conclude, why the implication of reforms considering human is the main obstacle of Turkish membership in the EU.</p> / The paper may be used free, but it is forbidden to copy or use directly any parts of it without earlier contact with author.

<p>This essay examines the European Union’s (EU) ability to play a leading role as a global actor on the world stage in international relations. Specifically, this essay studies the EU’s role of negotiator in the UN Climate Change Conference in Copenhagen in December 2009.  This essay also analyzes explanations for this role. Research is based on case studies, with conclusions drawn using an inductive approach. Analyses are based on International Relations Theory, with conclusions derived from the two main approaches in IR-theory - Realism and Liberalism. It is noted that the EU wanted to play an important role in the negotiations, through leading by example and consistently working towards a common, universal treaty for all involved, which is consistent with the Liberalist approach. However, the conference ended with the American president negotiating alone with four other countries, leaving the remaining one hundred and eighty-eight countries to either accept or reject the agreement without changes. This supports the Realist approach in IR-theory.  Therefore, the essay’s overall conclusions demonstrate that both the Liberalist and Realist approaches were present during this conference. </p>

<p>This essay aims to research the climate change issue and the relationship social movements, scientist and policymakers have to climate change. Furthermore, this essay has a didactic perspective and aim to illuminate how the climate change issue can be used within the school subject social studies. The policy decided upon by the world leaders during the climate summit in Copenhagen, Cop15, will stand further from the scientific view of climate change in relation to sustainable development than what the social movements’ demands are. To find the relationship a case study have been made, where an observation at the alternative forum Klimaforum09 was made to establish what relationship social movements have with policymakers and scientists. A close reading of the IPCC <em>Synthesis Report (AR4)</em> was made to see the scientific view on climate change and the relationship to policymakers and social movements. The relationship policymakers have with science and social movements have not been researched, since the Cop15 did not result in a global deal. Despite that there was no deal the thesis have been investigated, and the result is that social movements have a close, but critical relationship towards both world leaders and politicians, and to the scientific view of climate change. It is also suggested that science have a relationship to social movements. The thesis cannot be refuted or confirmed.</p>

<p>The bicycle is an individual means of transport. Many people prefer to cycle over short distances and in congested areas rather than take travel by car or public transport. This is a study of the use of bicycle as an option for commuting to work. It is a comparison between three cities: Stockholm, Copenhagen and London. The comparison is focused on solutions that benefit commuter cyclist and performed by studying cycle policies and other related documents. Results of this study shows that bicycle commuters are a targeted group in cycle policies in all three cities, for commuter traffic to increase booth an enhanced sense of security and the opportunity to travel at a high speed by bicycle is important.. In Stockholm and London efforts to increase the number of cyclists begin by improving the quality of transport for those who already cycle. The cycle network in Copenhagen is more comprehensive and the level of bicycle use and commuting is at significant higher level in comparison to Stockholm and London. The possibility to combine cycling and public transport is a target for all three cities, one important measure is to increase bicycle parking facilities at terminals and other public places.</p><p>Although there are differences in the three cities regarding bicycle commuting today, targets and measures for the futures they do correspond in quite a few places; parallels that could serve as examples of the ways in which a high degree of bicycle commuting can be attained.</p>

This essay aims to research the climate change issue and the relationship social movements, scientist and policymakers have to climate change. Furthermore, this essay has a didactic perspective and aim to illuminate how the climate change issue can be used within the school subject social studies. The policy decided upon by the world leaders during the climate summit in Copenhagen, Cop15, will stand further from the scientific view of climate change in relation to sustainable development than what the social movements’ demands are. To find the relationship a case study have been made, where an observation at the alternative forum Klimaforum09 was made to establish what relationship social movements have with policymakers and scientists. A close reading of the IPCC Synthesis Report (AR4) was made to see the scientific view on climate change and the relationship to policymakers and social movements. The relationship policymakers have with science and social movements have not been researched, since the Cop15 did not result in a global deal. Despite that there was no deal the thesis have been investigated, and the result is that social movements have a close, but critical relationship towards both world leaders and politicians, and to the scientific view of climate change. It is also suggested that science have a relationship to social movements. The thesis cannot be refuted or confirmed.