In the literature researchers don't agree whether news content in China in an era of media commercialization still functions to promote the dominant ideology of the ruling Communist Party. The thesis is a theoretical discussion of ideology, ideological hegemony and its evolving nature, with the consideration of Chinese situations. The theoretical discussion concludes that the dominant ideology in China is changing with the demands of a changing world, and so is media's representation of ideology. With some explorative data of crime news on three domestic and non-domestic news web sites to illustrate the theoretical discussion, the author of the thesis finds that in an era of media commercialization the ideological influence still plays a bigger role than the commercial influence in shaping crime news content of domestic media. Moreover, ideological messages are distributed through crime news in such subtle and indirect forms as the selection of official news sources, the frequent indication of the death penalty, the positive presentation of the police, and the attribution of individual causes to crime.

In the literature researchers don't agree whether news content in China in an era of media commercialization still functions to promote the dominant ideology of the ruling Communist Party. The thesis is a theoretical discussion of ideology, ideological hegemony and its evolving nature, with the consideration of Chinese situations. The theoretical discussion concludes that the dominant ideology in China is changing with the demands of a changing world, and so is media's representation of ideology. With some explorative data of crime news on three domestic and non-domestic news web sites to illustrate the theoretical discussion, the author of the thesis finds that in an era of media commercialization the ideological influence still plays a bigger role than the commercial influence in shaping crime news content of domestic media. Moreover, ideological messages are distributed through crime news in such subtle and indirect forms as the selection of official news sources, the frequent indication of the death penalty, the positive presentation of the police, and the attribution of individual causes to crime.

Prior to 1994 I had little interest in the activities of the police. As a mass media consumer I was aware of the prominence of crime in the daily news agenda and I watched, read and listened to potted summaries of rape, mayhem and murder. Frequent too, were stories of police malpractice, incompetence and corruption. Police stories were also a significant part of television drama with programs like the long running British series The Bill, and a range of Australian productions: The Feds, Halifax f.p, Rafferty's Rules, Blue Heelers, State Coroner, and Water Rats. The police also featured at the cinema with crime genre movies Natural Born Killers (Oliver Stone, USA), Once Were Warriors (Lee Tamahori, New Zealand) and Pulp Fiction (Quentin Tarantino, USA) becoming box office hits. My interest in the portrayal of police change dramatically when on the 7th of October 1994, I was appointed Officer-in-Charge of the Media and Publications Branch of the Australian Federal Police (AFP). I was responsible for all aspects of the communication function including: media liaison, crisis management, media management, publications and internal communication. My branch dealt with media inquiries from local, national and international media across the gamut of issues facing the AFP. These ranged fiom industrial issues about budgets and overtime, allegations of corruption and incompetence, and operational matters as diverse as burglaries, alleged Nazi war criminals, peace-keeping operations and drug 'busts'. Needless to say my police stakeholders did not always see things the same way as my media colleagues. I was seeing at a practical day-to-day level the complex taxonomy of police/media relations outlined by Putnis (1996). Putnis noted the ubiquity of the police and the media as social institutions and observed that their daily operations involved a complex, dynamic, relationship constructed out of many thousands of interactions, across all levels of the organisations, in many different settings. My experiences in dealing with the media became the genesis of this study. My aim is to expand our understanding of the police/media relationship by exploring characteristic forms of print news-media reports about policing, the impact these reports have on police, and on law and order policy. The possibility of bias towards police in this study is acknowledged given I was a member of a police service fiom 1994 until 2002 and the research relies heavily on 'participant observer' techniques (Kay 1997; Potter1 996; Schofield 1993). Every effort has been made to maintain a critical perspective on the subject matters raised and it should be noted my association with police ended prior to the writing-up phase of the research. In addition to comments fiom my supervisory panel, ongoing discussions with media colleagues were another strategy adopted to ensure balance in the writing-up of this study. This is a unique study in that it offers an insider's perspective of police/media relations and at a time that represented a watershed for police. The early 90s was a period of straightened finances for public sector agencies and police, like other agencies, were under pressure fiom governments to demonstrate the efficient use of public monies (AFP 1995; Grieve 2000). Reform programs swept through policing with many, like the AFP, being organised along business lines (Palmer 1995; Etter 1995; Rohl 1999; WAPOL 1999). The 90s were also a watershed for criminal organisations with the emergence of transnational criminal syndicates, such as drug traffickers, that had the potential to impact on crime at a local level without even entering the country, let alone the jurisdiction, in which the crime took place (Bliss and Harfield 1998; Palmer 1995; McFarlane 1999). In order to combat these syndicates, police began to work in a more cooperative fashion and formed loose coalitions, often across countries, in a manner similar to the criminal syndicates they were trying to combat (Palmer 1995). The 90s also saw the continuation of committees of inquiry and royal commissions into police malpractice (Landa and Dillon 1995) and the inevitable bad press for police (Wood 1996; Munday 1995). The media and police have a symbiotic relationship and it is a critical one as most members of society have little direct contact with the criminal justice system. Information about crime, and the efforts of police to combat it, is obtained second hand through fictional accounts from such vehicles as television dramas, and from the news media. As aptly described by Hall et al. (1975), nearly thirty years ago, the media is the link between crime and the public. The police are therefore heavily reliant on the media to provide a balanced account of the panoply of issues surrounding the criminal justice system (Cowdery 2001). At its most fundamental, police require the support of the communities they serve in order to be effective, and the news media can have a major impact on perceptions about police performance (Reiner 1997; Surette 1992). As organisational entities, police need to compete with other bureaucracies for public hnding, and the media is an essential tool in generating positive publicity about successful operations and policies. The media is, therefore, critical to the maintenance of positive relationships with the two most important stakeholders in the policing function: the community and the government. McGregor (1993) provides a useful summary of the literature relating to print media coverage of policing issues: there are substantial discrepancies between official accounts of criminal activity and press reports of crime; the media tends to homogenise crime by concentrating on a limited range of crimes (mainly violent crime) and drawing facts from a limited range of sources (police/court reports); the media over-report serious crimes, especially murder and crimes with a sexual element; and, the press concentrates crime reportage on events rather than issues, so crime incidents and specific crimes form the bulk of crime news as opposed to analyses of the causes of crime or remedies, trends or issues. McQuail (1994, p.256) reminds us that assessing media performance on the basis of media content, measured against the extent to which content relates to reality, is open to question. He argues that there is no general answer to questions of meaning construction, but media research has pointed to several elements in a more general framework of social and personal meanings including clues as to what is more or less important, salient or relevant in many different contexts (1994, p. 379). An important research question concerns the impact of news media practices, particularly given the significant costs to the community flowing from the commission of crime, its investigation by police, and the processing of offenders through the criminal justice system. The Australian Institute of Criminology estimates the cost of crime in Australia is approximately $19 billion, while the cost of dealing with crime is another $13 billion (Mayhew 2003). The news media, articulated through radio talk-back hosts, are seen as having undue influence on how public funds on crime control are spent (ABC, The Media Report, 1 August 2002; Chan 1995; Cowdery 2001; Dixon 2002; Weatherbum 2002). These commentators have pointed to the serious public policy issues arising from the contribution made by the media towards what Weatherburn describes as an irrational public debate about law and order (2002, p. 12) and Hogg and Brown have coined 'the uncivil politics of law and order' (1998, p. 4). As Hogg and Brown (1998, p. 4) observe: crime is depicted as a problem of ever-increasing gravity set to overwhelm society unless urgent, typically punitive measures are taken to control and suppress it. The influence of the media on public policy has long been recognised. As Paletz and Entmann (l981, p. 6) observe: they influence the decisions and actions of politicians; they are open to manipulation by the powerful which insulates the powerful fiom accountability to the public; they reallocate power amongst the already powerful; they decreased to a marked extent the ability of ordinary citizens to judge events; they foment discontent among the public; and they preserve the legitimacy of the political, economic and social system. Ethnomethodological approaches (Ericson and Haggerty 1997) underpin the research in this study. The ethnomethodological approach was used because of its wider scope, employing as it does, observation, interviewing, and document-analysis techniques (Ericson et al. 1987, p. 77) and its ability to provide meaning and context to the phenomena under observation (Hall 1978; Willis l981). Ethnomethodological approaches are complemented by news framing analyses (Barkin and Gurevitch 1987; Blood, Putnis and Pirkis 2002; Capella and Jamieson 1996; Coleman 1995; Entman 1993; Kitzinger 2000; Keely 1999; Darling-Wolf 1997; London 1993; Pan and Kosicki 2001; Miller and Riechert 2001; Pirkis and Blood 2001; Reese, Gandy and Grant 2003; Scheufele 1999) to explore the news media frames employed in the genre of print crime reporting. What emerges from the study is evidence of a one-sided, highly negative, discourse about policing implemented through a range of media frames centred on conflict and broader xenophobic and egalitarian narratives. Despite the advantages police have as information gatekeepers, their attempts to manage the media environment have met with little success (Hughes 2004; Williams 2002) and the need for police to restrict access to police communications is being challenged (Crime and Misconduct Commission 2004, Inquiry into the effects of a Queensland Police Service decision to adopt digital technology for radio communications). There are exceptions, of course: the news media are not all bad. Routine reporting of crimes, where details of offenders are publicised, greatly assists the work of police as reflected in the case of 43-year-old Mr Colin George Dunstan which is discussed in Chapter Eight. Dunstan sent a series of explosive devices through the mail system in Canberra and police provided the media with photographs of the devices, Mr Dunstan (who was the main suspect), and his vehicle. The media coverage restricted Mr Dunstan's movements and led to his early arrest. Similarly, publication of the details of missing persons, warnings about lethal batches of drugs and crimes such as drink-spiking, enable police to reach a mass audience efficiently and quickly. And at a more abstract level, as noted by McQuail (1994, p. 34), modem communication vehicles can make a positive contribution to cohesion and community. The emergence of the 'yapping pack' form of journalism (Tiffen 1999, p. 207) has resulted in elements of the media exercising a worrying degree of influence over what should be a broader and better informed debate about criminal justice issues. An illustration of this process occurred toward the end of this study with the widely reported spectacle of the Premier of New South Wales presenting his replacement police minister before radio presenter Mr Alan Jones for his endorsement; the subsequent involvement of that minister in operational police matters (Williams 2002); and the departure of the state's police commissioner as a result of sustained media attack (ABC, The Media Report, 1 August 2002; Weatherburn 2002). These incidents say much about the influence of the news media in relation to police matters and makes this study a timely one. What follows is a literature review examining contemporary trends in policing and the media; a detailed analysis of two major case studies involving complex police operations; an analysis of a number of examples of print media reports about policing, to identify typical, or characteristic, media frames; the findings from nearly 50 interviews with senior people involved in the policelmedia interface; and an examination of changes in the milieu in which media reports about policing occur.

This study does research on the Swedish media's portraying of an extraordinary crime event in Sweden - the grenades in Malmö 2015. The study focuses on how the media portrays three major participants in the media image: the public, the politicians and the police. The question examined was: How does the media portray the public and the authorities during the grenades in Malmö 2015? I made a framing analysis of 30 news articles from the summer of 2015. The result showed that the public received the role as the victim, where the media image emphasizes on fear from the public. The police received two different images - the safe image where the media emphasizes on the work the police does on preventing crime. The other image was the critical image, where the media emphasized on how the public criticized the police success rate during these incidents. The politicians received a neutral image, where a small amount of critic was portrayed. The results of the analysis diverged from previous studies and theories in the field when it came to the police and the politicians.

<p>Bakgrunden till den här uppsatsen finns att hitta i min något idealistiska bild av nyhetspressens eviga sökande efter och uppdagande av sanningen. Den bilden, i kombination med den senaste tidens skriverier om bland annat Hagamannen och dennes offer, fick mig att fundera kring nyhetspressens eventuella konstruerande eller reproducerande av våldsbrottsofferdiskursen.</p><p>Jag använde mig av Faircloughs kritiska diskursanalys då jag analyserade 36 nyhetsartiklar och nyhetsnotiser från Aftonbladet, Expressen, Svenska dagbladet och Dagens Nyheter, vilka alla hade publicerats under 2005/2006. Fokuseringen i undersökningen låg på den lingvistiska nivån i texten, det vill säga på ord, styckekombinationer och meningsuppbyggnader men även på de diskursiva praktikerna som fanns att finna i texterna.</p><p>Det huvudsakliga som kom fram i undersökningen var att det inte finns en våldsbrottsofferdiskurs värd att tala om i svensk nyhetspress, den är alltid underordnad könsdiskursen och åldersdiskursen. Det finns inga våldsbrottsoffer i svensk nyhetspress, bara män och kvinnor i olika åldrar som blir utsatta för brott</p>

Bakgrunden till den här uppsatsen finns att hitta i min något idealistiska bild av nyhetspressens eviga sökande efter och uppdagande av sanningen. Den bilden, i kombination med den senaste tidens skriverier om bland annat Hagamannen och dennes offer, fick mig att fundera kring nyhetspressens eventuella konstruerande eller reproducerande av våldsbrottsofferdiskursen. Jag använde mig av Faircloughs kritiska diskursanalys då jag analyserade 36 nyhetsartiklar och nyhetsnotiser från Aftonbladet, Expressen, Svenska dagbladet och Dagens Nyheter, vilka alla hade publicerats under 2005/2006. Fokuseringen i undersökningen låg på den lingvistiska nivån i texten, det vill säga på ord, styckekombinationer och meningsuppbyggnader men även på de diskursiva praktikerna som fanns att finna i texterna. Det huvudsakliga som kom fram i undersökningen var att det inte finns en våldsbrottsofferdiskurs värd att tala om i svensk nyhetspress, den är alltid underordnad könsdiskursen och åldersdiskursen. Det finns inga våldsbrottsoffer i svensk nyhetspress, bara män och kvinnor i olika åldrar som blir utsatta för brott

À partir d’un corpus de 492 faits divers criminels relevés dans les quotidiens parisiens entre 1836 et 1881, ce travail s’efforce de montrer comment ce genre de discours journalistique est un lieu de citation d’autres discours, en particulier professionnels. La démarche stylistique adoptée, qui s’appuie sur les outils de l’analyse du discours, souligne la façon dont ces technolectes circulent dans la rubrique des faits divers, et sont souvent moins des citations explicites que des emprunts à des interdiscours volontiers constitués de clichés et de formules toutes prêtes et toutes faites. C’est ainsi le figement du fait divers qu’on met en avant, figement narratif, syntaxique et lexical ; ce figement lui vient parfois directement des discours auxquels il emprunte, et qui comme lui n’hésitent pas à fictionnaliser voire à inventer un événement. La démonstration s’attache à étudier la citation à l’intérieur de l’espace journalistique, afin de mettre en lumière la façon dont les faits-divers s’approprient l’article d’un autre, et à étudier leur position de sur- ou de sous-énonciateur par rapport au texte originel. C’est cette même position du fait-diversi qui est interrogée dans son rapport aux interdiscours médicaux et policiers ; ces derniers sont en effet des sources privilégiées de l’information fait-divers. L’analyse se reporte dans le même temps aux romans du siècle,feuilletons comme œuvres réalistes et naturalistes, avant de se pencher, à la fin de l’étude, sur les rapports du fait divers et de ces ouvrages. Il s’agit alors de montrer comment le fait divers,traversé de diverses voix, est un discours qui circule également dans la littérature de l’époque. / This work focuses on a corpus of 492 crime news items released in Parisian dailies between 1836 and 1881 and aims at showing how this specific journalistic discourse quotesother forms of discourse (particularly professional ones). The stylistic approach chosen, using discourse analysis tools, underlines the way those technolects circulate in crime news items and shows they are not so much explicit quotes as borrowings from interdiscourses often made up of clichés and ready-made, set phrases. This freezing of the crime news item is what stands out here: a narrative, syntactic and lexical freezing, stemming sometimes straight from the discourses from which it borrows. Both the crime news items and the discourses borrowedtend to fictionalize or even invent a drama.The work focuses on the quote within the journalistic space, so as to highlight how the crime news item writers make someone else’s article their own and studies the writers’ posture (as an over or an under-enunciator) regarding the original text. This same posture is also questioned in relation to both medical and police interdiscourses, which are the two privileged sources of information for crime news items. In the same time, the analysis refers to contemporary novels, whether serials or realist and naturalist works, before focusing on their relationships to crime news items. The aim is thus to show how the crime news item is a multiple-voice discourse which also circulates in the literature of that time.

Nyhetsrapporteringen av brott och dess inverkan på läsarnas rädsla för brott har i årtionden studerats som ett socialt problem. Dessa studier indikerar på en relation mellan exponeringen av brottsnyheter och uppkomsten av rädsla för brott. Däremot är forskningen gällande brottsrapportering begränsad och lämnar utrymme för frågor gällande hur bristen på information i porträtteringen av brottsnyheter påverkar rädslan för brott bland läsarna. Denna studie undersöker hur presentationen av brottsnyheter gällande mängden information som tilldelas läsaren ser ut och hur denna rapportering påverkar rädslan för brott bland läsarna. Urvalet för studien består av 900 brottsartiklar, publicerade i två lokaltidningar i Skåne, Sverige. Genom innehållsanalys studeras artiklarna utifrån de teoretiska perspektiven kontrollokus, tillskrivning av ansvar och nedåtriktad jämförelse. Resultaten visar att både information gällande kontexten av en brottshandling samt information gällande egenskaper hos offer och gärningsperson sällan porträtteras i brottsartiklar. Resultatet visar också på att frånvaron av denna information kan påverka läsarnas rädsla för brott. Det antyds att detta beror på upplevelsen av bristen att själv kontrollera brottshändelser samt en bristande förmåga att kunna avgöra sin egen risk för utsatthet för brott. Avslutningsvis föreslås utbildning av journalister i författande metoder som kan minskar risken för rädsla för brott bland läsarna. / The influence of crime news coverage on fear of crime in the audience has for decades been evaluated as a social problem. Indicating a relationship of exposure to crime news and the emergence of fear of crime. However, the research on crime news coverage is limited, and questions remain about how the lack of information in the portrayal of crime in newspaper influences fear of crime among the audience. This study examines the presentation of crime news in newspapers regarding the amount of information provided to the reader, and the influence of this coverage on fear of crime among the readers. The sample consist of 900 crime news articles published in two local newspapers in Skåne, Sweden, and were content analyzed based on previous research, and on theoretical perspectives of Locus of control, Assignment of responsibility, and Downward comparison. The results show that both information regarding the context of the crime incident, and information regarding the characteristics of the victim and offender are rarely portrayed in the crime news. The results also imply that the absence of information, provide in the newspapers, may influence fear of crime among the readers. This is suggested to be due to the lack of ability to control crime events, and to evaluate one´s own risk for victimization. Finally, this study suggests educating newspaper journalist in public health method, which might lead to a decreased risk for fear of crime among the audience.

This master's thesis examines Czech TV news called "Crime News", that is broadcasted by TV Prima. Method of mythological semiotic analysis was chosen for this paper and it refers to work of Roland Barthes. Crime News (their three-month period) were examined not only from the perspective of lexical and visual point of view but as a complex communicate. This helped to uncover mythological structures, persuasiveness and other phenomena. In the beginning of this thesis theoretical concepts are explained. Second chapter is dedicated to methodology. Analysis itself is the third part of this master's thesis. Show's jingle and anchormen were examined first and the other phenomena second, thereby mythological structures, archetypes and narratives were exposed. Conclusion provides summary and interpretation of described phenomena.

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