Major railway stations in England and Wales are highly networked and open locations, frequently crowded, and are vulnerable to criminal and terrorist activities. Successive Government policies and agendas have sought to lessen this susceptibility, by promoting the understanding of and the application of resilience and security measures. Thus, the complex stakeholders are responsibilised (Garland, 1996) and urged to integrate and merge resilience, crime prevention and counter-terrorism measures into their governance, and operational policies and agendas. The aim of this research is to determine and examine the interdependencies and boundaries of the multiple stakeholders within St Pancras International Railway Station (SPIRS), and to analyse how their governance, operational and legislative requirements, and agendas influence current and future resilience of complex Category A railway stations to human malign security threats. Through a unique single case study of SPIRS, qualitative data was collected from thirty-two stakeholder participants, sampled for their expert opinion and experience. Data was also collected via documents and observations. SPIRS interconnected and complex stakeholders were represented using stakeholder analysis and mapping to create an original and innovative map highlighting those who can influence and impact the resilience of the space to human malign security threats. From the thematic analysis of the data, the overarching themes exposed the resilience within SPIRS operates in an uncertain legal space, competing with disparate institutional processes creating a gulf between reality and rhetoric of the responsibilisation of resilience and security strategies. The blurred boundaries of responsibility and understanding of the resilience and security agendas within SPIRS created tension between the national and local level stakeholders. The research adds an original and novel contribution to knowledge, as through contemporary empirical evidence it has established the political rhetoric of responsibilisation (Garland, 1996) for resilience and security policies are inconsistent and contradictory with the reality of how these transpire in an ambiguous operational and legal space such as SPIRS. Regardless of the mapped interdependencies between the multiple stakeholders and their interconnecting operational and legislative obligations, there is a definite absence of a clear and united approach to resilience, with concerns being dealt with by multiple stakeholders and policies. The research has revealed the complications and disparities the complex and multiple stakeholders face implementing policy and subsequently institutional changes in a cohesive manner. The findings of the research necessitate transformations in established organisational procedures, thus ensuring these interdependencies are dealt with now to make certain the effectual incorporation and integration of agendas and strategies are unified, and which maintain the resilience of Category A railway stations and SPIRS for future generations.

This study, which is based on the private sector perception of urban regeneration initiatives in the Johannesburg Inner City, critically evaluates the current strategy employed by the City of Johannesburg which elevates private sector investment as the mainstay for inner city revival and the pillar for achieving what it calls “a world-class African city”. It argues that, in spite of the positive outcomes that have occurred in the inner city since the advent of urban regeneration, the initiatives informed by the current strategy and designed to induce private sector investment have contributed to urban change only in limited ways. The motives behind the urban regeneration initiatives and the private sector perception do not correspond. General market factors and trends such as the high demand for space, relatively low property prices, perceived financial returns on investment, risk diversification and have been the main motivating factors for private sector investment decisions and subsequent urban growth. Conversely, the urban regeneration initiatives, while making a noticeable impact, are perceived to have played only a secondary role. Factors perceived to be acting as deterrents to private sector investment also relate largely to those aspects at which various urban regeneration initiatives are targeted. For instance, factors such as poor by-law enforcement, neglected degenerating buildings, crime and inadequate delivery of municipal services are increasingly seen to be contributing to limiting investment in the inner city. This suggests that urban regeneration initiatives are perceived as not achieving the intended objectives or as needing strengthening. In addition, policy instruments such as the Urban Development Zone, City Improvement District, the Johannesburg Development Agency, the Better Building Programme and crime prevention measures, which are the pillars of Johannesburg’s regeneration strategy, are each generally perceived to have yielded significant benefits and advantages in the inner city. However, these instruments are also perceived to have some shortcomings and limitations both as concepts and in practice. There is a pervasive perception that the effectiveness of these instruments is marred by, among other things, the fact that they do not embrace the wider inner city, but parts thereof, and have not been implemented in an integrated manner. The findings of the study, particularly around inadequate delivery of municipal services and lax by-law enforcement, also raise serious questions about the plausibility of the competitive cities approach that underpins the City of Johannesburg’s urban regeneration strategy, suggesting that more work is required around the relevance of the competitive cities approach in the Johannesburg Inner City. / Thesis (PhD)--University of Pretoria, 2009. / Town and Regional Planning / unrestricted

Crime is a social problem and leads to many negative consequences, and it is therefore of interest to analyze how officials in The Prison and Probation Service implement the principles risk, need and responsivity, (RNR-model) in crime prevention measures to reduce the risk among incarcerated prisoners to relapse into crime based on the informants’ perceptions. Furthermore, differences in the official’s autonomy regarding the implementation of crime prevention measures will be analyzed based on the RNR-model and what consequences these differences have according to the officials. The RNR-model is an innovation that has been spread in The Prison and Probation service and will be analyzed by Rogers (2003) Diffusion of innovation theory. The officials' autonomy to implement the RNR-model will be analyzed by Lipsky's (1990) theory of street-level bureaucracy. In this case study, I have conducted eight individual semi-structured interviews and the sample consists of officials who have many years of experience working with treatment in The Prison and Probation Service. The results show that the informants take a similar approach to the RNR-model and that the RNR-model pervades the entire crime prevention measures. The conclusion is that the prevention measures consist of treatment programs combined with work management, adult education, and other structured activities and that these parts are interconnected. The crime prevention measures are characterized by helping the prisoners develop necessary skills to be able to get out of crime and get the best possible conditions to reduce the risk of relapsing into crime. The results also show that there are differences between the officials' autonomy regarding the implementation of the RNR-model in the crime prevention measures and that the officials' do not act from a common approach. The officials have, based on their autonomy, the opportunity to create their own interpretations of the RNR-model that can affect the outcome of the work, which can mean that the prisoners are treated differently depending on how the officials have chosen to implement the RNR-model. The conclusion is that the RNR-model contributed to clear structures and guidelines, but that there is a certain problem with implementing the receptivity principle in a similar way because of the officials' having difficulty understanding the meaning of the principle.

Crime prevention and safety measures in socio-economically vulnerable areas are important incentives for creating a socially sustainable city. The topic has been debated in Sweden, and to address the challenges, a new law in Sweden will come into force on June 1, 2023, giving Swedish municipalities greater responsibility for crime prevention. Previous research indicates that crime prevention and safety promotion can be categorized based on physical and social efforts. These efforts are partly about creating better social cohesion between people and partly about changing the physical environment to make it more difficult for people to commit crimes. The master thesis aimed to study crime prevention and safety promotion measures in two socio-economically vulnerable areas in Sweden to find out how the work can be developed through the theories of social sustainability, social disorganization theory, and collective efficacy. The results indicate that both neighborhoods work with social and physical measures, but that their circumstances are different. This is because crime statistics indicate that Gottsunda has significantly more crime rates than Klockaretorpet. Finally, the results show that it is important to implement both social and physical measures in socio-economically vulnerable areas. The study was conducted through qualitative interviews with planners, police, property owners, and one social sustainability consultant. A document analysis of policy documents has also been conducted. Furthermore, crime statistics from the police have been analyzed to visualize the number of reported crimes in the neighborhoods

Syftet med studien var att undersöka de tre brottsförebyggande åtgärdsförslagen för socialt utsatta grupper i socialt utsatta områden presenterade av regeringen i 34-punktsprogrammet. Detta via en jämförande analys av texten i förhållande till Brottsförebyggande Rådets kunskapsöversikt inom samma problemområde. Denna undersökning grundar sig i frågeställningarna om vilka åtgärder 34-punktsprogrammet och Brottsförebyggande rådets översikt presenterar samt hur de överensstämmer vad gäller åtgärdsmål och målgrupp. Underlaget för studiens bakgrund ger läsaren förutsättningar att förstå brottsprevention i förhållande till brottsförebyggande åtgärder, 34-punktprogrammets innebörd och centrala aktörer i det brottsförebyggande arbetet. Med stöd av studiens tematiska innehållsanalys har flertal gemensamma teman återfunnits där samverkan och ökad kunskap varit betydande i brottsförebyggande arbetet mot gängkriminaliteten i socialt utsatta områden. Studiens resultat har däremot visat på att det råder en viss diskrepans vad gäller definitionen av socialt utsatta grupper och socialt utsatta områden samt en vaghet om hur 34-punktsprogrammet förhåller sig till Brå’s kunskapsöversikt. Studiens resultat möjliggör förslag på vidare forskning i form av jämförelse med internationell forskning. Ännu ett förslag är att undersöka huruvida en gemensam definition av brottsförebyggande arbete påverkar beredningen av kriminalpolitiska åtgärdsförslag. Ett slutligt aktuellt förslag är även att undersöka effektiviteten av åtgärderna för att tillhandahålla information om huruvida åtgärderna är tillämpningsbara inom svensk kriminalpolitik. / The purpose of the study was to examine the three crime prevention measures for socially vulnerable groups in socially vulnerable areas presented by the government in the 34-point program. The purpose is fulfilled by a comparative analysis of the 34-point program in relation to the Crime Prevention Council's research review within the same problem area. This study is based on what measures the 34-point program and the Crime Prevention Council's research review present, as well as how they correspond in terms of action goals and target group. The basis for the study's background provides the reader with the prerequisites to understand crime prevention in relation to crime prevention measures, the meaning of the 34-point program and key actors in crime prevention work. With the support of the study's thematic content analysis, several common themes have been found where collaboration and increased knowledge have been significant in crime prevention work against gang crime in socially vulnerable areas. The results of the study, on the other hand, have shown that there is a certain discrepancy regarding the definition of socially vulnerable groups and socially vulnerable areas, as well as a vagueness about how the 34-point program relates to Crime Prevention Council's research review. The results of the study enable proposals for further research in the form of comparison with international research. Another proposal is to investigate whether a common definition of crime prevention work affects the preparation of criminal policy measures. A final current proposal is also to investigate the effectiveness of the measures to provide information on whether the measures are applicable in Swedish criminal policy.

Bro is an urban area located in Upplands-Bro municipality, Stockholm County. In 2020, the Stockholm Police conducted a security survey for all municipalities included in the Stockholm police region. The results of the survey for Upplands-Bro municipality show that many residents feel insecure about the risk of being exposed to crime. The residents experience that the feeling of insecurity is at its highest in Bro. The thesis is limited to investigating this in nine public spaces in central Bro. The purpose is to investigate whether previously crime-prone public spaces in built-up environments can evoke experiences of insecurity in people, despite their unawareness that they are old crime scenes. If people experience insecurity, the thesis aims to investigate which crime prevention measures can be applied in the design of public spaces to increase their security experiences there. In the essay, the student is named as the "investigator". The approach to the thesis applies several different methods. A safety survey is the thesis' main method, while a safety walk (method combination) is the secondary one. Initially, site analyzes are used as feasibility studies to carry out several site visits in the nine public spaces. (1) The first site visit is made to get to know the existing conditions of the sites and to create an overall picture. At the same time, the places are photographed in daylight. (2) Site visit no. 2 is made to photograph the sites in the evening darkness. (3) During the third site visit, the investigator conducts a safety walk, where a focus group of eight members (excluding the investigator) consisting of residents in Bro, is invited for interviews in the field. The intention with this is to take part in their experiences if the places feel unsafe and if there is a need for crime prevention measures to achieve increased security. (4) Site visit no. 4 is made to study in detail the spatial properties of the sites on the basis that the focus group has identified “insecurity problems” that are most in need of crime prevention measures for increased security. The crime prevention measures in the thesis include: (1) increased care of the outdoor environment, cutting shrubs and trees, (2) repairing broken materials, repainting, (3) removal of damage, graffiti and debris, (4) increased lighting, (5) to open up the site, remove dark spaces/hiding places, (6) increase the view of the site from buildings or through direct human supervision, (7) to add electrical safety systems such as camera surveillance/alarm/gate code or fences around the site. A safety survey is conducted with the intention of reaching out to all residents in the urban area of Bro. The survey mainly asks questions about: (1) how they experience security at the nine sites and (2) whether the sites need to be changed for increased security there, which creates a need for crime prevention measures. The questionnaire is sent out in collaboration with Upplands-Bro municipality's Street / Park / Traffic department and 247 locals answer the questionnaire. However, the response rate does not correspond to all of Bros' urban residents, which the investigator is aware of. To include all residents, the investigator has not requested biological sex or age in all methods. Thus, the investigator has disregarded what a possible distribution of answers between women and men or different age groups can look like. The answers from the safety walk and the survey are analyzed through qualitative content analysis. The method results are made visible in the form of photographs and diagrams with accompanying descriptive text about the results with the highest percentage that are perceived to be most prominent. The results are then visualized in an insecurity map, a form of heat map. The insecurity map is compared with the crime scene map to see if there is a connection between “unsafe places” and “previous crime scenes” in a combined map. In the analysis, the survey results are interpreted through the thesis' theoretical perspective and validated against the outcome of the safety walk. Based on the analysis, the investigator reads out what crime prevention measures residents point out to achieve increased security in the "unsafe places". Then the results are discussed and how they fulfill the purpose of the essay and answer the problem formulation and the questions. Finally, conclusions and recommendations for future studies are presented.