Magister Legum - LLM / The precise legal definition of crimes against humanity has always been elusive since their first codification in the IMT Charter in 1945. Jurisprudence applying the definition has reflected the uncertainty especially with regard to the contextual element that requires that crimes against humanity should be committed pursuant to some form of a policy of a state or organisation: The Policy Element. In the 1990s the ICTY in its early Decisions exhibited an inclination to broaden the scope of the application of crimes against humanity by downgrading the Policy Element to cover states and non-state actors in asymmetric armed conflicts. In 2002, this tendency culminated in the complete abandonment of the Policy Element requirement. Eminent international criminal law scholars are divided whether the ICTY was correct or not. At the same time, Article 7(2) (a) of ICC Statute has expressly provided for a downgraded Policy Element that somehow resonates with the ICTY as it covers states and organisations. In 2010, the Situation in the Republic of Kenya presented the ICC with a question whether the concept of organisation in Article 7(2) (a) of the Statute covers organisations generally or only state-like organisations. The Majority Decision resonated with the more recent jurisprudence of the ICTY and held that it covered all organisations. The Dissenting Opinion, however, restricted the Policy Element to only state-like organisations. This Research agrees with the recent ICTY position that has been reflected by the Majority Decision and postulates that the Policy Element should not be a requirement for crimes against humanity.

Entre as décadas de 1960 e 1980, Brasil e Argentina vivenciaram ditaduras de segurança nacional. As diferentes experiências vividas por essas nações possuem alguns elos em comum: a tomada do poder pelas Forças Armadas, a aplicação da Doutrina de Segurança Nacional, suspensão de direitos e garantias fundamentais, o consequente estabelecimento do Terrorismo de Estado e, por fim, a aprovação de algum tipo de anistia ao fim desses regimes. Tendo diferentes designações, as leis aprovadas visavam um mesmo objetivo: impossibilitar a responsabilização de militares e civis pelas inúmeras violações a direitos humanos cometidas durante as ditaduras. O discurso de “virar a página e olhar para o futuro” esteve presente em ambos os países, e foi usado para propagar a ideia da pacificação nacional. A partir dos anos 2000, já em um contexto de democracias consolidadas, o quadro difere imensamente. Enquanto na Argentina, entre 2004 e 2007, a Corte Suprema de la Nación julgou inconstitucionais todos os dispositivos que representavam obstáculos ao julgamento dos crimes da ditadura (Lei de Obediência Devida, a Lei do Ponto Final e os indultos concedidos por Carlos Menem), no Brasil, o Supremo Tribunal Federal julgou improcedente, em 2010, uma ação ajuizada pela Ordem dos Advogados do Brasil (OAB) e considerou a Lei da Anistia (Lei n. 6.683/79) fruto de um acordo político e, por consequência, impossível de ser revisado. Partindo dessas premissas, o presente trabalho tem por objetivo analisar o posicionamento das Cortes Supremas de Brasil e Argentina no que diz respeito à responsabilização penal dos crimes de lesa humanidade cometidos pelas ditaduras. As decisões dos fallos Arancibia Clavel, Simón e Mazzeo, e a sentença da Arguição de Descumprimento de Preceito Fundamental (ADPF) n. 153, serão comparadas sob o viés histórico do contexto democrático nas quais foram geradas, buscando compreender a discrepância entre os entendimentos das Cortes e do quadro atual de ambos os países no que diz respeito à efetivação de mecanismos de justiça de transição. / Between the decades of 1960 and 1980, Brazil and Argentina have experienced dictatorships. The different experiences for these nations have some links in common: the seizure of power by the armed forces, the application of the national security doctrine, suspension of fundamental rights and guarantees, the consequent establishment of State terrorism and, finally, the adoption of some kind of amnesty in the end of those regimes. Having different designations, the laws adopted had the same goal: make it impossible the accountability of military and civilians by the numerous human rights violations committed during the dictatorships. The speech of "turn the page and look to the future" was present in both countries, and was used to propagate the idea of “national pacification”. From the year 2000, in a context of consolidated democracies, the situation differs immensely. While in Argentina, between 2004 and 2007, the Supreme Court ruled unconstitutional all devices that represent obstacles to the prosecution of crimes commited by the dictatorship ( the Due Obedience Law, the Final Point Law and pardons granted by President Carlos Menem), in Brazil, the Supreme Court dismissed, in 2010, an action filed by the Bar Association of Brazil, and considered the Amnesty Law (Law n. 6.683/79) the result of a political agreement and, consequently, impossible to review. Starting from these premises, the present study aims to analyze the positioning of the Supreme Courts of Brazil and Argentina, with regard to the criminal liability of the crimes against humanity committed by dictatorships. Decisions of “fallos” Arancibia Clavel, Simón and Mazzeo, and the sentence in the Arguição de Descumprimento de Preceito Fundamentl (ADPF) n. 153 will be compared under the historical bias of the democratic context in which they were generated, seeking to understand the discrepancy between the understandings of the courts and of the current framework of both countries regarding the establishment of transitional justice mechanisms.

Entre as décadas de 1960 e 1980, Brasil e Argentina vivenciaram ditaduras de segurança nacional. As diferentes experiências vividas por essas nações possuem alguns elos em comum: a tomada do poder pelas Forças Armadas, a aplicação da Doutrina de Segurança Nacional, suspensão de direitos e garantias fundamentais, o consequente estabelecimento do Terrorismo de Estado e, por fim, a aprovação de algum tipo de anistia ao fim desses regimes. Tendo diferentes designações, as leis aprovadas visavam um mesmo objetivo: impossibilitar a responsabilização de militares e civis pelas inúmeras violações a direitos humanos cometidas durante as ditaduras. O discurso de “virar a página e olhar para o futuro” esteve presente em ambos os países, e foi usado para propagar a ideia da pacificação nacional. A partir dos anos 2000, já em um contexto de democracias consolidadas, o quadro difere imensamente. Enquanto na Argentina, entre 2004 e 2007, a Corte Suprema de la Nación julgou inconstitucionais todos os dispositivos que representavam obstáculos ao julgamento dos crimes da ditadura (Lei de Obediência Devida, a Lei do Ponto Final e os indultos concedidos por Carlos Menem), no Brasil, o Supremo Tribunal Federal julgou improcedente, em 2010, uma ação ajuizada pela Ordem dos Advogados do Brasil (OAB) e considerou a Lei da Anistia (Lei n. 6.683/79) fruto de um acordo político e, por consequência, impossível de ser revisado. Partindo dessas premissas, o presente trabalho tem por objetivo analisar o posicionamento das Cortes Supremas de Brasil e Argentina no que diz respeito à responsabilização penal dos crimes de lesa humanidade cometidos pelas ditaduras. As decisões dos fallos Arancibia Clavel, Simón e Mazzeo, e a sentença da Arguição de Descumprimento de Preceito Fundamental (ADPF) n. 153, serão comparadas sob o viés histórico do contexto democrático nas quais foram geradas, buscando compreender a discrepância entre os entendimentos das Cortes e do quadro atual de ambos os países no que diz respeito à efetivação de mecanismos de justiça de transição. / Between the decades of 1960 and 1980, Brazil and Argentina have experienced dictatorships. The different experiences for these nations have some links in common: the seizure of power by the armed forces, the application of the national security doctrine, suspension of fundamental rights and guarantees, the consequent establishment of State terrorism and, finally, the adoption of some kind of amnesty in the end of those regimes. Having different designations, the laws adopted had the same goal: make it impossible the accountability of military and civilians by the numerous human rights violations committed during the dictatorships. The speech of "turn the page and look to the future" was present in both countries, and was used to propagate the idea of “national pacification”. From the year 2000, in a context of consolidated democracies, the situation differs immensely. While in Argentina, between 2004 and 2007, the Supreme Court ruled unconstitutional all devices that represent obstacles to the prosecution of crimes commited by the dictatorship ( the Due Obedience Law, the Final Point Law and pardons granted by President Carlos Menem), in Brazil, the Supreme Court dismissed, in 2010, an action filed by the Bar Association of Brazil, and considered the Amnesty Law (Law n. 6.683/79) the result of a political agreement and, consequently, impossible to review. Starting from these premises, the present study aims to analyze the positioning of the Supreme Courts of Brazil and Argentina, with regard to the criminal liability of the crimes against humanity committed by dictatorships. Decisions of “fallos” Arancibia Clavel, Simón and Mazzeo, and the sentence in the Arguição de Descumprimento de Preceito Fundamentl (ADPF) n. 153 will be compared under the historical bias of the democratic context in which they were generated, seeking to understand the discrepancy between the understandings of the courts and of the current framework of both countries regarding the establishment of transitional justice mechanisms.

Entre as décadas de 1960 e 1980, Brasil e Argentina vivenciaram ditaduras de segurança nacional. As diferentes experiências vividas por essas nações possuem alguns elos em comum: a tomada do poder pelas Forças Armadas, a aplicação da Doutrina de Segurança Nacional, suspensão de direitos e garantias fundamentais, o consequente estabelecimento do Terrorismo de Estado e, por fim, a aprovação de algum tipo de anistia ao fim desses regimes. Tendo diferentes designações, as leis aprovadas visavam um mesmo objetivo: impossibilitar a responsabilização de militares e civis pelas inúmeras violações a direitos humanos cometidas durante as ditaduras. O discurso de “virar a página e olhar para o futuro” esteve presente em ambos os países, e foi usado para propagar a ideia da pacificação nacional. A partir dos anos 2000, já em um contexto de democracias consolidadas, o quadro difere imensamente. Enquanto na Argentina, entre 2004 e 2007, a Corte Suprema de la Nación julgou inconstitucionais todos os dispositivos que representavam obstáculos ao julgamento dos crimes da ditadura (Lei de Obediência Devida, a Lei do Ponto Final e os indultos concedidos por Carlos Menem), no Brasil, o Supremo Tribunal Federal julgou improcedente, em 2010, uma ação ajuizada pela Ordem dos Advogados do Brasil (OAB) e considerou a Lei da Anistia (Lei n. 6.683/79) fruto de um acordo político e, por consequência, impossível de ser revisado. Partindo dessas premissas, o presente trabalho tem por objetivo analisar o posicionamento das Cortes Supremas de Brasil e Argentina no que diz respeito à responsabilização penal dos crimes de lesa humanidade cometidos pelas ditaduras. As decisões dos fallos Arancibia Clavel, Simón e Mazzeo, e a sentença da Arguição de Descumprimento de Preceito Fundamental (ADPF) n. 153, serão comparadas sob o viés histórico do contexto democrático nas quais foram geradas, buscando compreender a discrepância entre os entendimentos das Cortes e do quadro atual de ambos os países no que diz respeito à efetivação de mecanismos de justiça de transição. / Between the decades of 1960 and 1980, Brazil and Argentina have experienced dictatorships. The different experiences for these nations have some links in common: the seizure of power by the armed forces, the application of the national security doctrine, suspension of fundamental rights and guarantees, the consequent establishment of State terrorism and, finally, the adoption of some kind of amnesty in the end of those regimes. Having different designations, the laws adopted had the same goal: make it impossible the accountability of military and civilians by the numerous human rights violations committed during the dictatorships. The speech of "turn the page and look to the future" was present in both countries, and was used to propagate the idea of “national pacification”. From the year 2000, in a context of consolidated democracies, the situation differs immensely. While in Argentina, between 2004 and 2007, the Supreme Court ruled unconstitutional all devices that represent obstacles to the prosecution of crimes commited by the dictatorship ( the Due Obedience Law, the Final Point Law and pardons granted by President Carlos Menem), in Brazil, the Supreme Court dismissed, in 2010, an action filed by the Bar Association of Brazil, and considered the Amnesty Law (Law n. 6.683/79) the result of a political agreement and, consequently, impossible to review. Starting from these premises, the present study aims to analyze the positioning of the Supreme Courts of Brazil and Argentina, with regard to the criminal liability of the crimes against humanity committed by dictatorships. Decisions of “fallos” Arancibia Clavel, Simón and Mazzeo, and the sentence in the Arguição de Descumprimento de Preceito Fundamentl (ADPF) n. 153 will be compared under the historical bias of the democratic context in which they were generated, seeking to understand the discrepancy between the understandings of the courts and of the current framework of both countries regarding the establishment of transitional justice mechanisms.

Submitted by Renata Lopes (renatasil82@gmail.com) on 2017-04-18T13:20:42Z No. of bitstreams: 1 anacarolinadeoliveiramarsicano.pdf: 1398763 bytes, checksum: 71ec096e3ecf0795fa17e28b0224836c (MD5) / Approved for entry into archive by Adriana Oliveira (adriana.oliveira@ufjf.edu.br) on 2017-04-18T13:54:53Z (GMT) No. of bitstreams: 1 anacarolinadeoliveiramarsicano.pdf: 1398763 bytes, checksum: 71ec096e3ecf0795fa17e28b0224836c (MD5) / Made available in DSpace on 2017-04-18T13:54:53Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 1 anacarolinadeoliveiramarsicano.pdf: 1398763 bytes, checksum: 71ec096e3ecf0795fa17e28b0224836c (MD5) Previous issue date: 2016-12-06 / O ato violento, principalmente no que diz respeito ao homicídio, é percebido pelas pessoas como um ato imprevisível e de difícil compreensão, consistindo o mesmo como uma “fatalidade”, não como um fenômeno social estável e psicologicamente determinado, cognoscível e controlável. Assim, no que diz respeito às modalidades violentas de crimes, os estudos permanecem em sua grande maioria no campo da psicanálise e da biologia, reportando a explicações como a passionalidade e a psicopatia, aproximando de uma perspectiva positivista e limitada. Compreendo, portanto, o crime como criação, ato cheio de significados e sentidos, o presente trabalho aborda estudos que tratam sobre a mulher que tenha praticado homicídio. Ao estudar o crime, principalmente dentro de uma perspectiva tão pouco explorada como trajetórias de vida de mulheres que cometeram assassinato, necessário se faz extrair os estados intencionais dessas mulheres as motivações e razões desses atores e de seu mundo simbólico, fornecido pelo contexto cultural o qual nos é retratado. Partindo do entendimento do crime como um fenômeno socialmente construído, dentro de um processo histórico pontuado por circunstâncias de gênero, analisei a trajetória de vida de mulheres presas e sentenciadas pelo cometimento de homicídio. Com base nos discursos das entrevistadas, procurei, em sua globalidade, responder a duas questões principais, que são os significados que as mulheres constroem sobre o crime e sobre o processo de reclusão em suas vidas, e a segunda que diz respeito aos processos de violência associados às determinantes sociais de gênero, tanto no âmbito extra muros, quanto no âmbito intra muros. Dessa forma, procurei contribuir para o processo de resgate da voz da mulher encarcerada para os estudos do crime, demonstrando a necessidade de apresentarmos uma face dessas mulheres via de regra ocultas por estigmas, desmistificando estereótipos e revelando suas histórias para além do crime. / The violent acts, particularly with regard to murderperpetrated by women, are generally perceived by people as an unpredictable and difficult act to understand, figuring as a "fatality" rather than a stable social phenomenon, psychologically determined, knowable and controllable. Thus, studies that relate to violent forms of crimes remain mostly in the field of psychoanalysis and biology, referring to explanations as passionate crimes or due to a psychopathy, approaching a positivist and limited perspective. We understand such crime as a creation, an act full of meanings and senses, therefore this work focus on murders whose perpetrators are women. By studying crime, especially in a perspective as little explored as the life trajectories of those ‘guilt’ women, it is necessary that we stratify the intentional states of these women, their motivations and reasons, and their symbolic world provided by the cultural context from which they belong. Setting off from the crime as a socially constructed phenomenon placed within a historical process punctuated by gender circumstances, this paper considers the life trajectories of the female prisoners sentenced for murder. Based on the speeches of the interviewees, we sought at best to answer two main questions, (1) Which are meanings the women build from the perpetrated crime and the incarceration process in their lives, and (2) Which are the processes of violence associated with gender social determinants both intra and extramuros. Thus, we tried to contribute to the recovery process of the voice of the incarcerated women for studies of crime, demonstrating the need to introduce a face to these women, in general hidden by stigmas, demystifying stereotypes and revealing their stories beyond the crime.

L’objectif majeur de ce travail est de dresser un bilan de l’ensemble des litiges soumis et susceptibles d’être soumis aux juges relevant du droit international pénal ayant eu lieu dans les pays inter lacustres d’Afrique. Il articule autour des quatre axes principaux. Le premier axe consiste à placer le droit international pénal dans l’ensemble du droit international moderne. Le deuxième axe consiste à situer la criminalité de masse de la sous-région des pays inter lacustres d’Afrique dans le temps et dans l’espace tout en s’attardant sur le contexte politique et social dans lequel elle a eu lieu, son ampleur et son inhumanité. Le troisième axe quant à lui, s’attarde à la démonstration de quelles formes (chapeaux des crimes, et crimes sous-jacents) les crimes contre la paix et la sécurité de l’humanité se sont manifestés dans la sous-région des pays inter lacustres d’Afrique. Le quatrième et le dernier axe étudie les modes de participation aux crimes. Autrement, Il s’agit de passer en revue de la jurisprudence pour voir sous quels types de responsabilité les criminels des pays inter lacustres d’Afrique répondaient à leurs actes. Le présent travail permet d’étudier de long en large le génocide des Tutsis au Rwanda et s’attarde sur les éléments constitutifs des massacres perpétrés contre les communautés des hutus au Burundi, au Rwanda et au Congo dont l’hypothèse du génocide est fort avancée par le monde académique et diplomatique. Cela terminé, cette recherche analyse la jurisprudence des cours et tribunaux internationaux pour étudier les éléments contextuels et les crimes sous-jacents aux crimes de guerre et des crimes contre l’humanité. Il permet de comprendre d’une manière typique et circonstanciée les groupes protégés par les conventions internationales de droit humanitaires et les scénarios dans lesquels ce droit a été violé. En dernière analyse, ce travail étudie les modes de participation aux crimes contre la paix et la sécurité de l’humanité qui ont enclenché les responsabilités des criminels des pays inter lacustres d’Afriques. Les modes collectifs tels que les entreprises criminelles communes et la responsabilité du chef hiérarchiques sont succinctement étudiés en prenant pour cas d’études les massacres ayant eu lieu dans la région susmentionnée. / This thesis aims at making an update compilation of the all crimes perpetrated in Democratic Republic of Congo, in Burundi in Uganda and in Rwanda. The above said crimes are those related to the international law judged and those to be judged by international criminal courts and tribunals. Our thesis articulates around four main sub topics. The first consist of studying the high moments of international criminal law and the place of this branch of law in international law arena. The second studies the high moments of mass killings in the inter-lacustrine region of Africa while the third identifies the crimes against the peace and security of humanity perpetrated in the above-mentioned region. These crimes include genocide, crimes against humanity and war crimes. The fourth and final area of focus demonstrates the forms of international criminal responsibility developed by Law case in International Criminal tribunal for Rwanda and in International criminal court as well. The present research explores broadly the genocide perpetrated against Tutsi in Rwanda and focuses on the elements of the massacres perpetrated against the hutu communities in Burundi, Rwanda and Democratic Republic of Congo on which genocide hypothesis is highly advanced by international community and some scholars. Moreover, this research has analyzed the jurisprudence of international courts and tribunals to study contextual elements and additional infractions to war crimes, and crimes against humanity. It provides a typical and comprehensive understanding of the groups protected by the international humanitarian law conventions and the scenarios in which this right has been violated. At the end, this work examines the liability in the crimes against the peace and security of humanity that have triggered the responsibility of criminals. The collective types of participation including joint criminal enterprises and command responsibility by taking the cases of study the massacres perpetrated in the above-mentioned region.

As the title says, this thesis is about the crime of fraud, insurance, credit and subsidy fraud under section 209 - 212 of the Criminal Code. These four crimes against property belong to the group of crimes, which cannot be overlooked, because the total number of sentenced frauds is not low at all. We can also notice that these kinds of frauds are often being mentioned in mass media. The aim of this thesis is not to give an exhaustive explanation of frauds, but to provide reader with a comprehensive overview of these crimes. The thesis is systematically divided into eleven chapters. In the first chapter of the thesis reader can find brief characterization of Chapter V. of the special part in Criminal Code, which regulates property crimes. Second chapter acquaints the reader with the development of provisions of different frauds in the previous Penal Code (Act. No.140/1961 Coll.) since 1962. Firstly, there was only a provision of general fraud under section 250 of Penal Code. However due to the different political regime special kind of fraud was also established, which was placed in the provision called theft of socialist property under section 132 of Penal Code (section 132 was repealed in 1990). As the authorities involved in criminal proceedings had problems with sentencing offenders of...

D.Litt et Phil. (Social Work) / Children’s rights are fundamental to their growth and development, and child trafficking hampers the achievement of these rights. The growth of child trafficking continues to influence the responsibilities expected of social workers. Thus, it is essential that social workers are able to respond to the needs of trafficked children. Unfortunately, South Africa lacks literature on how cross-border trafficked children experience, perceive and understand identification and initial assistance processes. There is a gap in South African theoretical literature on child trafficking intervention guidelines. The result is that social work knowledge on victim assistance has not kept pace with the growing social issue in South Africa. The aim of this study is to develop psychosocial intervention guidelines for trafficked children in South Africa. The ever-growing burden of child trafficking demands that effective and efficient interventions are designed and implemented. Therefore, to fulfil the goal of the study, the overarching intervention research model used was the Rothman and Thomas (1994) Design and Development (D&D) model, which was complemented by Thomas’s (1984) Developmental model. The two models were chosen because they are directed by the practical realities in the social work field. The D&D model has six well-defined phases, although in this study, only the first four phases were applied. In the first phase, the rapid identification of child trafficking and the provision of initial assistance to child victims of trafficking were acknowledged as key issues that require social work intervention. The state of existing interventions was investigated during the state-of-art review, and a feasibility study was conducted to establish the resources required for the study. The outcome of the activities indicated that psychosocial intervention guidelines for child victims of transnational trafficking were needed. During the data-gathering phase, the researcher conducted a document study to establish what had been done to address the issues identified. An empirical study was also conducted using narrative interviews with ten trafficked children, seven social workers, and 15 key stakeholders. The data was analysed using thematic analysis and was subjected to literature control. The data further influenced the researcher’s decision to continue with the design phase. The design objectives, domains, and requirements were outlined in the design phase. This was closely followed by the conversion and intervention design processes, which included the formulation of generalisations and the development of the practice guidelines. Within the development of the guideline, additional skills were identified and recommended, and strategies were presented to support the implementation process. During the early development and pilot testing phase, it was evident that the process of development is intertwined with the realities of users, and thus designing continued into this phase. Pilot testing of the guidelines was conducted with social workers as the intended users to determine if these guidelines were viable and could be used as a practice tool. The social workers were satisfied with the guidelines. The design work, based on the social worker’s suggestions and the introduction of the Trafficking Act (2013), ensured that the goal of the study was achieved. The guidelines were developmentally valid, reasonably coherent, and reflective of the social work practice and policy implementation in South Africa. Rapid identification, timeous and appropriate referral and the immediate provision of assistance are fundamental aspects of addressing trafficked children’s needs and contribute towards the child’s recovery and healing process. In as much as it might be a challenge to provide all trafficked children with the opportunities, services and assistance required, providing high-quality social work assistance is a critical issue worth pursuing.

LL.D. / Millions of human lives have been affected by gross human rights violations since 1945. Genocide and crimes against humanity have been perpetrated repeatedly against civilians despite the vow after the Holocaust that such atrocities would “never again” occur. The Holocaust acts were not criminalised as “genocide” in the London Charter, but as “persecutions on political, racial or religious grounds” under the broader international crime of “crimes against humanity”. “Genocide” was criminalised on 9 December 1948 by the adoption of the Convention on the Prevention and Punishment of the Crime of Genocide by the United Nations General Assembly. Two main obligations were imposed on signatory states by Article I of the Genocide Convention, namely to prevent the commission of the international crime of genocide, and the obligation to punish the perpetrators of such a crime. Both genocide and crimes against humanity form part of the “most serious crimes of concern to the international community as a whole”, which are also gross human rights violations. It is of interest to all states of the international community to prevent the commission of these gross human rights violations and to prosecute perpetrators. The prohibition of the international crimes of genocide and crimes against humanity is erga omnes in nature. The research objective of this doctoral thesis is to analyse the causes for the repeated failure of the international community to fulfil the erga omnes obligation to prevent and prosecute gross human rights violations. This endeavour is furthermore aimed at formulating recommendations that will enhance future compliance with the erga omnes obligation in accordance with the international legal developments that will form the subject matter of the thesis. The thesis consists of five parts. Part 1 is an introduction in which the research objective and aims of the thesis are explained and demarcated, as well as the issues focused upon. Core legal concepts, terms and notions explained in Part 1 include “gross human rightsviolations”, “erga omnes obligation”, “jus cogens norms”, “customary international law”, “states upon whom the erga omnes obligations to prevent and prosecute gross human rights violations are imposed”, “the obligation to prevent”, “the obligation to prosecute”, “state responsibility”, “individual criminal responsibility”, “state immunity”, and various other terms. Part 1 further explains the research methodology followed in the thesis and contains a brief overview of the parts and chapters.

Magister Artium - MA / This thesis is based on research conducted at the University of the Western Cape, a previously ‘coloured’ university with its beginnings rooted in the political tensions in South Africa. The university is geographically disadvantaged since it is situated on the Cape Flats, which is viewed as a potentially violent area with high crime rates. The study focuses on students who stay in in- and off-campus residences since they are exposed to potential violence when they move inside as well as outside the campus and residence vicinity. In addition to semi-structured interviews conducted with students from the university, I draw on my own experiences as a student having lived in on- and off-campus residences at the university. In this thesis I investigate the tactics students use to stay safe in the face of potential violence in student residences and also in the vicinity of the university. I refer to violence in the same way as Scheper-Hughes and Bourgois (2004) do - as falling on a continuum along with other forms of violence which include structural violence, torture, genocide, political violence, state violence, symbolic violence, sexual violence and colonial violence. When students move outside of campus and residences they fear being robbed, murdered or sexually violated. Students also felt that if this should happen to them, others present will not step in to help them. The tactics students use to stay safe outside and on campus include moving in numbers, staying away from deserted or specific places at certain times, walking fast with a serious facial expression, and greeting oncomers. In residences women particularly feared going to ablution areas at certain times of the day because of stories they heard about sexual violence taking place in showers. The tactics they used to stay safe from that involved taking showers during ‘peak’ hours. However, a lack of trust which students have in residential administrators impedes the safety students experience in residences. I questioned how students can feel safe outside residences when residential organisation leaves their safety precarious. Overall I found that awareness of potentially dangerous spaces, through stories, the news media or witness, informed students’ tactics of safety. Furthermore, this thesis explores the relevance of formal campus services in response to violence in the everyday lives of students who live in in- and off-campus residences. I discuss the changes that have taken place in terms of campus security, and how the meanings of safety, play an important role in the ways the university as an institution responds to violence. The meanings of safety and security also translate into specific safety interventions, which I found to focus more on perpetrators of violence from ‘outside’, that on perpetrators of violence on the ‘inside’. In the institution’s dealings with sexual violence I also explore how perceptions of sexual violence and relationship dynamics influence the infection of HIV/AIDS, and the university’s approach to dealing with this threat to students’ safety. / South Africa