Throughout the history of the Dominican Republic, theater has played an instrumental role in the cultural life its people, one which transcends purely artistic and cultural dimensions extending its influence into the political and social fabric of the nation. In spite of Spanish colonization and later Haitian occupation, a nascent national identity began forming early on. The staging of certain plays exposed latent conflicts and revealed sectorial, class interests. Theater provided a means of expression for popular sentiments, thus revealing an urge by the people to manifest their concerns, usually under the heavy weight of censorship. This thesis focuses on key moments of the first 140 years of Dominican Republic theater. It is organized into three chapters: "Historical Antecedents", "Theater of the Dictatorship" and "Theater of the Post-Dictatorship." The first chapter deals with the struggle for independence through 1844; the next focuses on the theatrical plays and political climate of bloody Rafael Leonidas Trujillo dictatorship which spanned from 1930 to his assassination in 1961, and the third presents the theater that appeared in the subsequent years of the equally repressive Joaquin Balaguer presidency (1966-1978). The analysis of these key historical moments, in conjunction with the dramaturgy of playwrights such as Franklin Domínguez, Marcio Veloz Maggiolo and Héctor Incháustegui Cabral, maps the function of theater as a tool of raising awareness, transmitting ideologies, and unifying a nation, in spite of despotism and oppression often disguised as democracy. As such, it documents the role that theatre played during a nation-building process that stages the history of political repression, lack of freedom of expression as well as social and political injustice.

Humanism and ritual combined to establish a new foundation for the Florentine Republic in the fifteenth century. Leonardo Bruni’s History of the Florentine People was at the center of this new foundation. In 1428 and again in 1439, Bruni formally presented portions of his History to the Florentine government in the midst of crucial events in Florentine foreign affairs. For example, Bruni’s book presentation in 1428 occurred in the midst of rituals celebrating peace between Florence and Milan. During the celebration, a procession behind the sacred icon of Our Lady of Santa Maria Impruneta paused at the government palace. At that moment, Leonardo Bruni formally announced the peace, gave an oration, and presented a volume of his History to the Florentine governors. Following the presentation, trumpets sounded and the procession began anew. In this ritual, Bruni’s History became a key ritual object. On the most basic level, Bruni’s book served as a tangible, physical reminder of the peace for future rulers of the Florentine Republic. Yet, Bruni’s History provided much more than a material memento of a monumental moment. The content of the work created a Florence that was founded free and, after several battles against tyrannical oppressors, had once again become free. By creating a new foundation and history of Florence, the Florentines could add new authority and legitimacy to its dealings with the world outside its walls. This article will examine the rituals surrounding the presentation of Bruni’s work combined with a close literary analysis of the History itself. Through this investigation, the article will examine how and why the Florentines sought to refound their city in an official Latin history by establishing its independence from outside powers, particularly the Roman and Holy Roman Emperors.

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<p>'!his thesis traces the political evolution of a number of Edwardian women activists. '!he careers of the three women who are central to this work, Kathleen Courtney, catherine Marshall and Helena swanwick, illustrate the developing political consciousness of this second generation of feminists who built upon the work of their Victorian predecessors. The leadership and inspiration of the three women, which began in the suffrage movement, took a new direction in 1914. With the outbreak of war, they turned their efforts to peace work. The refusal of the National Union of Women's Suffrage Societies to support this new cause led to a realignment of forces when the dissenting members, led by the three, joined the ranks of men and women, particularly in the labour movement and the Union of Democratic Control, dedicated to seeking the peaceful resolution of international disputes. the opportunity to combine work for peace and suffrage was provided in April 1915 with the establishment of a new women's organization at the Congress held at the Hague. the British section of this new body was the Wanen' s International League. This organization became at once an integral part of the national peace movement, while retaining its identity as an women's organization. the purpose of the WIL was two-fold: one was to secure an errluring peace; the other, to educate women for citizenship. '!his war-time advocacy of a new basis for international relations led to a life-long contentment to internationalism for Courtney Marshall and Swanwick.</p> <p>Although in the short time they failed. in their objective of revolutionizing international relations, they did effect some enduring achievements. '!hey contributed to popularizing the idea of a league of Nations. Above all, they pressed successfully, sane steps further along the road, their claim to equal--citizenship for women.</p> / Doctor of Philosophy (PhD)