Esta dissertação analisa limites, possibilidades e riscos do processo participativo de criação do Sistema Municipal de Cultura de Três Corações, com base na visão de nove lideranças da comunidade que se envolveram no movimento pedindo a implantação de tal política pública. A partir da releitura de teorias sobre a participação e da análise de conteúdo de entrevistas semiestruturadas, gerou-se o entendimento de que o processo, liderado pela sociedade civil, busca a autopromoção de agentes culturais e a implementação de regras democráticas de jogo, mas enfrenta como limitações e obstáculos as transferências de rensponsabilidades do poder público, o ônus da participação, a falta de efetividade e os assistencialismos. Apresenta-se, ainda, o risco da criação de mecanismos de participação gerencial, reduzindo o papel político do Sistema. Diante dos resultados, apresenta-se uma breve reflexão acerca da necessidade da interlocução entre movimentos participativos que cobram a implantação de políticas públicas. / This dissertation analyses limits, possibilities ans risks of the participatory process of creation of the Culture Municipal System of Três Corações city, based on the vision of nine leaderships citizens of the comunity who got envolved with the movement that asks this public policy. From the rereading of participation theories and the content analysis of nine half-structured interviews, it was generated the understanding that the proccess, owned by civil society, looks for cultural agents self-promotion and the implementation of democratic rules, but faces as limits and obstacles the responsability transfers by public power, the custs of participation, the lack of effectiveness and assistencialism. There is, yet, the risk of creating mechanisms of managerial participation, reducing the culture system political rule. The results allows a reflection around the need of interlocution between participatory moviments that ask for public policies implementation.

A Discoteca Pública Municipal de São Paulo, criada em 1935 com a institucionalização do Departamento de Cultura, tem sido alvo de pesquisas nos últimos anos. Oneyda Alvarenga, ex-aluna e principal herdeira de Mário de Andrade no que se refere aos estudos folclórico-musicais, conduziu inúmeros trabalhos enquanto esteve na direção da Discoteca. Constituindo um conjunto documental inédito, o Concurso Mário de Andrade de Monografias sobre o Folclore Nacional (1946-1975) contou com a participação de trabalhos de intelectuais do campo das ciências sociais de São Paulo. Por outro lado, considerando a necessidade de \"conhecer\" as manifestações populares no Brasil, Oneyda soube tirar proveito da mobilização criada pelo Movimento Folclórico Brasileiro, sob a batuta de Renato Almeida e Edison Carneiro. Deste modo, inúmeros autores polígrafos, filiados às Comissões Estaduais de Folclore, figuraram nas 30 edições do Concurso. / The Discoteca Pública Municipal de São Paulo (DPM) - Public Record Collection of São Paulo - created in 1935 along with the institutionalization of the Departamento de Cultura - Department of Culture, has been subject of research in recent years. Oneyda Alvarenga, Mário de Andrade\'s former student and main heiress in relation to folk-music studies, conducted numerous works while she was in the direction of the DPM. Constituting an unprecedented set of documents, the Concurso Mário de Andrade de Monografias sobre o Folclore Nacional (1946-1975) - Folkloric monographs contest - counted the participation from intellectuals of the fields of social sciences in São Paulo. On the other side, considering the need to \"know\" the popular culture in Brazil, Oneyda took advantage of the mobilization created by the Movimento Folclórico Brasileiro - Brazilian Folkloric Movement, by the baton of Renato Almeida and Edison Carneiro. Thus, several writers affiliated to the Comissões Estaduais de Folclore - States Commissions of Folklore - figured in the 30 editions of the competition.

Esta dissertação circunscreve os mecanismos de organização e criação de três grupos teatrais radicados no distrito de Barão Geraldo, Campinas, SP. Os dados são coletados a partir de observações, anotações de campo e entrevistas. Como forma narrativa, procuramos colocar em relevo a subjetividade entredita nos discursos e práticas. Retraçamos o percurso histórico do lugar e dos três grupos eleitos para a análise: o Lume Núcleo Interdisciplinar de Pesquisas Teatrais, a Boa Companhia de Teatro e o Barracão Teatro. A partir dessas trajetórias, descortinamos um panorama bastante peculiar do fazer artístico em território de reminiscências rurais, outrora ocupado por fazendas de café e de cana-de-açúcar, entre os séculos XIX e XX, e convertido à modernidade com a chegada do campus da Universidade Estadual de Campinas (UNICAMP), na década de 1960. A maioria dos atores-criadores estuda ou ministra aula no Departamento de Artes Cênicas do Instituto de Artes. Primeiro como laboratório de movimentos corporais, depois como núcleo, o Lume é vinculado à instituição e, após anos de reivindicação, obtém infraestrutura razoável para manter-se. Boa Companhia e Barracão Teatro seguem caminhos independentes, mas seus profissionais também têm a universidade como referência. Os artistas fundam e sistematizam uma rigorosa pesquisa voltada à arte de ator contemplada em diferentes linhagens, como a máscara, o clown e a mimese corpórea. Seus processos transparecem uma deontologia para o ofício que abraçam. Os três grupos possuem sedes em Vila Santa Isabel. Atualmente, somando outros bairros de Barão Geraldo, existem pelo menos mais 12 coletivos em atividade. Eles sintonizam a crescente produção do Teatro de Grupo no Brasil, a partir dos anos 1990, cuja tônica são os chamados espetáculos experimentais gerados em modo colaborativo e fomentados por políticas culturais que valorizam a cidadania. A contradição evidente dessa cultura de grupo, no distrito, é a extrema dificuldade em cativar o espectador vizinho, os ditos nativos, que também se autoexcluem por associar o teatro à UNICAMP, herança do choque socioeconômico de sua implantação. Isso relativiza a vitória artística e chama aos desafios da vida artística em comunidade. / This work describes the mechanism of organization and creation of three theater groups from a small town called Barão Geraldo located in the city of Campinas, São Paulo, Brazil. The data were collected through observation and interviews. In a narration form we aimed to detach the subjectivity in the discourses and practices of those groups. We traced the historical background of the town and of the groups: Lume - Núcleo Interdisciplinar de Pesquisas Teatrais, Boa Companhia de Teatro e Barracão Teatro. From a historical perspective we exposed a broad and peculiar view of making art in an area where coffee and sugar cane farms existed between XIX and XX centuries and which was occupied by Campinas State University in the 1960\'s bringing some modernity to the space, but also some social and economical shock. Most of the actors-creators study or teach at Departamento de Artes Cênicas do Instituto de Artes (Institute of Art). Lume became part of the University first as a lab for studying and training the body movements, then as an interdisciplinary center of theatrical research and after some struggle it has some institutional support to keep their work. Boa Companhia and Barracão follow independents paths, but their workers have the university as a reference. The artists found and systematize a meticulous research towards the art of the actor, through the study of masks, the clown art and the body mimesis. Their processes display a deontoly to their work. The three groups have their offices in Santa Isabel Village. Nowadays, there are at least 12 collectives working in the surroundings of Barão Geraldo. They harmonize with the increasing theater group production in Brazil since the 1990\'s, which are called experimental spectacle\' created collectively and motivated by cultural policies which focus on citizenship. The evident contradiction of a group culture is the difficulty in captivating the local public, who exclude themselves because of the impact the University had on them in the past. This exhilarates an artistic victory and challenges the life of art in the community.

Résumé de la thèse Il semble qu’ujourd’hui, il soit indispensable d’illustrer dans quel état se trouvent-ils les biens culturels sauvegardés malgré huit ans de guerre Iran - Irak, et tout autant des exactions des extrémistes au début de la révolution islamique en 1979. Le patrimoine culturel iranien qui souffre d’une perte d’identité accrue aux yeux des autorités, évolue sous les effets d’une politique largement dominée par la vision extrémiste religieuse d'une part et une série de problèmes organisationnels et administratifs d'autre part. L’idée que l’humanité puisse avoir un patrimoine commun pose un grand problème qu’illustrent les débats actuels dans cette société autour de la notion de «patrimoine mondial» prônée par l’UUNESCO. L'Iran à travers son histoire récente, a connu des traumatismes forts, qui ont des conséquences directes sur la perception du patrimoine culturel. En dépit de la reconnaissance dont bénéficie l’Iran, de la part de l'UNESCO, en matière de préservation de son patrimoine culturel mondial, ce pays connaît toujours une détérioration de son héritage ancestral, à cause de la conjugaison de nombreux facteurs sociopolitiques et humains. Ce travail s’inscrit dans les champs de la géographie sociale et culturelle et de l’aménagement du territoire. Il a pour objectif de mettre en valeur les nombreux avantages que le classement au patrimoine mondial pourraient apporter aux citoyens des territoires dotés des ressources patrimoniales très riches comme l’Iran. Il aborde aussi les obstacles rencontrés pour l’adaptation et la mise en œuvre des stratégies de patrimonialisation et de valorisation patrimoniales recommandées par les organisations et les ONG internationaux dans ce pays. Aujourd’hui, après trente huit ans de la révolution islamique la croissance des conflits autour des espaces patrimoniaux est toujours présente sur ce territoire. Ce sujet se veut à la fois un essai de diagnostic du conflit d'une part entre l’Etat et la revendication de la société iranienne au terme du son patrimoine national voire mondial qui n’a cessé de s’amplifier, et d'autre part entre les acteurs publics et privés autour du patrimoine mondial aux trois échelles internationale, nationale et locale. Nous essayons aussi d'identifier les défis auxquels sont confrontés les acteurs internationaux et locaux pour leur intervention sur ce territoire. Partant d’une analyse à la fois historique et sociopolitique, cette étude traite des usages sociaux du patrimoine culturel dans leurs dimensions politiques et économiques. / Abstract It seems that nowadays, it is essential to demonstrate what is the condition of iranian cultural heritage which are saved during the eight-year Iran – Iraq war and also by the madness of the extremists at the beginning of the Islamic Revolution in 1979. The iranien cultural heritage that suffering of loss of increased identity in the eyes of the authorities, on the one hand is evolving under the influence of political vision dominated by religious extremist and a series of organizational et administrative problems on the other hand. The idea that humanity can have a common heritage poses the huge problem that illustrated by the current debates in this society around the notion of "world heritage" promoted by the UUNESCO. Trough its recent history, Iran has experienced the strong traumatism which have direct consequences on the perception of its cultural heritage. Despite the recognition which Iran benefits from the UNESCO, in preserving its world cultural heritage, this country continues to experience the deterioration of its ancient cultural heritage due to the numerous combinations of socio-political and human factors. This work is a study in social and cultural geography and spatial planning. It will aim to showcase the many benefits that the World Heritage designation could bring to the citizens of a territory with the very rich heritage resources such as Iran. It also covers the obstacles encountered for adaptation and the implementation of the patrimonialization strategies and heritage promotion recommended by international organizations and NGOs in this country. Today, after thirty six years of the Islamic revolution, the growth of conflicts around the heritage sites and areas is always present on the territory. This topic seeks simultaneously, a trial diagnosis of conflict, firstly, between the Government and the claim of Iranian society for its national and global heritage that it is growing expeditiously and secondly between the public and private stakeholders around the World Heritage in three international, national and local levels. We also try to identify the challenges facing the international and local actors for their intervention in this territory. Starting from an analysis both historical and sociopolitical, this study will look the social use of cultural heritage in their political and economic dimensions.

Bibliography: leaves 156-167. The aim of this thesis is to show how in practice the National Socialists sacrificed ideological considerations to the material advantages that could be gained from the sale of "degenerate art". In practice the term "degenerate" was extended beyond modern art to include French Impressionist and Post-Impressionist art, specifically because they were highly saleable. This is evinced by the sales of "degenerate art" which were conducted by the Reichministerium für Volksklärung und Propaganda (RMVP). The record of the sales compiled by the propaganda ministry in the summer of 1941, provide conclusive evidence that the Reich government compromised its ideological position for financial gain. The sale of "degenerate art" conducted by order of the Reich at the Galerie Fischer auction in Lucerne in 1939, provides further evidence that the practice of confiscation was economically driven.

This research explores the experiences of young people, youth leaders, villager elders/ leaders, parents of teenagers, and government workers in Goroka, Papua New Guinea (PNG), to facilitate further understanding of youth development approaches and strategies. The study in particular investigates the possibility of establishing a link between relevant traditional youth upbringing methods and the positive youth development approaches emerging from the Western world. Positive youth development approaches are those strength-based approaches that promote young people’s capabilities to learn and strive in the diverse settings they live, in contrast to the conventional youth development approaches which addresses immediate youth problems. The National Youth Policy of PNG focuses on involving young men and women in meaningful activities in social, spiritual, political, and cultural development through participation in the affairs of their families and communities. The results of the research indicated that the Youth Policy’s objectives were never fully implemented in Goroka. This may have contributed to the numerous problems encountered by young people that include: confusion between traditional and modern cultures, poverty and hardship, drug and alcohol abuse, prostitution, theft, and unemployment. The enormous efforts by schools, churches, government departments, donors, and youth-oriented organisations to deal with youth issues seemed inadequate in relation to the contemporary youth population. It is evident that conventional youth development approaches have failed to educate young people that it is a viable option to return home and become productive citizens. Thus alternative youth development approaches have to be found to assist these youth. This finding points to a need to establish a link between traditional culture, whereby the whole community takes responsibility for guiding young men and women through the transition to adulthood, and positive youth development. It suggests further research should be conducted to determine how this might be achieved by building upon the existing youth development approaches and strategies.

This study focuses on the rhetorical and political conditions for answering the question 'what is kulturpolitik?'. The most common translation of kulturpolitik is 'cultural policy', but 'cultural politics' is an alternative - perhaps policies must al­ways involve broader notions of politics. Here, politics is understood as struggles and conflicts in community, struggles that take place between rules and practical cases, between law and freedom. It is argued that language is a key to an awareness of political conditions, although politics also might involve aesthetics and violence. According to Aristode and Ricoeur, language is something that occurs 'when somebody says something to somebody about something' - and, as added in the dissertation: 'for a certain purpose and in a certain manner'. The general conditions for saying what kulturpolitik is, can thus be studied with reference to the interplay between six aspects: author; utterance, audience, reference, purpose and manner These rhetorical aspects can be used differendy in different cases. Four particular cases are examined in the dissertation. These are chosen pardy because they allow a gen­eral overview of the connections between politics and the arts, or policy and cul­ture, mainly in Western Europe; and pardy because they allow a demonstration of the importance of rhetoric. The cases are: (1) a comparison between two major Government Bills to the Swedish Parliament, concerning the general formulation of state cultural policy; (2) an analysis of the meaning of goals in policy, with particular reference to the Council of Europe's evaluations of cultural policies in France, Sweden, Austria, the Netherlands, and Finland; (3) an overview of the political uses of the concept of culture in Germany between 1800 and 1932; (4) a study of the French state's effort to engage the arts in the service of the republic between 1789 and 1983. It is, furthermore, argued that a rhetorical 'manner' can be understood as a way of employing the faculty of judgement. Following Aristode and Kant, and es­pecially according to Arendt and Lyotard, it is shown that judgement is a pre- eminendy political faculty. It allows those who use language - authors as well as audiences — to reflect upon the conditions of agreement in the absence of precon­ceived rules, but with the help of aesthetical awareness and imagination. / Digitalisering@umu

Efter första världskriget var Sovjetunionen en av de första moderna stater som uttryckligen ägnade sig åt att övervaka och styra kulturen, vilket tog sig formen av en formaliserad och institutionaliserad statlig kulturpolitik. I denna övervakningsoch styrningsprocess försåg vetenskap och teknologi staten med konceptuella och materiella resurser vilka användes för att definiera såväl själva processen som föremålet för den. Efter andra världskriget gav utvecklingen inom naturvetenskap och teknik upphov till en ny vetenskap som behandlade frågor kring kontroll och kommunikation, Norbert Wieners cybernetik, vilken fick en bred tillämpning inte enbart inom ingenjörsvetenskapen utan även i frågor som rörde förståelsen av människor, maskiner och samhällen. Denna avhandling undersöker hur cybernetiken påverkade utformningen av den sovjetiska kulturpolitiken. Fokus ligger särskilt på sovjetiska Litauen. Det huvudsakliga argumentet är att en särskilt inflytelserik diskurs rörande cybernetisk styrning och övervakning utformades i Sovjetunionen från 50-talet och framåt. Som ett resultat av en överföring från tekniska och vetenskapliga diskurser var denna diskurs användbar inte bara som ett verktyg för att tjäna staten utan kunde även användas av kulturella aktörer för att kritisera själva sovjetsystemet. Genom att analysera organisatoriska praktiker och officiella och samhälleliga diskurser avslöjar denna studie komplexiteten i förhållandet mellan styrning och övervakning, kultur och vetenskap och teknologi. / After World War I, the Soviet Union was one of the first modern states to engage explicitly in the governance of culture, which was formalised and institutionalised as state cultural policy. In this process of governance, sciences and technologies provided the state with conceptual and material resources, which were used to define both the process and the object of governance. After World War II, scientific and technological progress gave birth to a new science of control and communication, Norbert Wiener’s cybernetics, which was widely used not only in engineering, but also in the conceptualisation of humans, machines and societies. This thesis explores how cybernetics influenced the construction of cultural policy in the Soviet Union. It focuses particularly on the Soviet republic of Lithuania. The main argument is that since the 1950s a particularly powerful discourse of cybernetic governance was formed in the Soviet Union. A result of translation from techno-science, this discourse not only served the purposes of authoritarian rule, but was also used as a resource by cultural operators to criticise the Soviet government itself. By analysing organisational practices and official and public discourses, the study reveals the complexity of the relationship between governance, culture and sciences and technologies.

Syftet med denna rapport är att utreda hur kultur värdesätts i samhället. Tanken är att strukturera upp den kulturpolitiska debatten och sammanföra olika begrepp och perspektiv i en överskådlig modell. Rapporten fokuserar på de kulturverksamheter som är mål för den svenska kulturpolitiken, nämligen konstarterna, medierna, bildningsarbetet och kulturarven. Till grund för min analys ligger särskilt Anders Frenanders forskning kring den svenska kulturpolitiska historien. När det gäller att värdera kultur finns två dominerande synsätt genom historien. Med ett ”kulturkonservativt” synsätt uttalar man sig om vad som är bra och värdefull kultur i allmängiltig bemärkelse. Det ”kulturrelativistiska” synsättet innebär dock att det inte går att säga generellt vad som är bra kultur i och med att kulturella värden är relativa eller subjektiva. I min framtagna modell sätter jag denna värdering av kultur i förbindelse med kulturens finansieringskällor. De är också uppdelade i två kategorier, nämligen politik och kommersiell marknad. Politiken bedömer värdet för samhället i stort och den kommersiella marknaden bedömer det ekonomiska värdet baserat på utbud och efterfrågan. Med dessa perspektiv på kulturell värdering har jag analyserat och kategoriserat olika argument kring kulturens värden som lagts fram i debattboken ”Att vara eller inte vara – visioner om en annan kulturpolitik”, som kom i maj 2010. De slutsatser jag kunnat dra av detta är att det blir en stor utmaning för svensk kulturpolitik i framtiden att hitta utvecklade metoder för att sätta värde på kultur och att hitta nya former för dess finansiering. / The aim of the report is to examine how culture is being valued in society. The idea is to structure the Swedish cultural policy debate around certain terminologies and to bring different perspectives together in a clear and simple model. The report focuses on culture expressions covered within Swedish cultural policy, namely the visual arts, the media, the “learning-movement” and the cultural heritage. In terms of valuing culture, there are two principal perspectives dominating the debate through history, namely a “conservative” perspective that is highly normative in terms of what is good and bad culture, and a “relativistic” perspective, that is more individualistic and relative in nature. Additionally, cultural values are linked to sources of finance and support, which are also divided in two categories – the political sphere and the commercial marketplace. The political sphere measures the value for the society at large and the commercial marketplace works out the economic value based on the preferences of buyers and sellers. I have developed a model on cultural values based on these perspectives. This model lays the framework for analysing and categorising different arguments on cultural values found in 14 written documents in a contemporary debate book on cultural policy from a coalition of cultural organisations in Sweden. The conclusions I have drawn from this analysis is that it will pose a big challenge for cultural policy makers to find appropriate and elaborate measures to assess and finance culture in the future.

There is a consistent thread throughout Russian history of governmental management of culture. Tsars and Communist bureaucrats alike have sought to variously promote, censor, or exploit writers, filmmakers, and musicians to control and define the country's cultural content. Often, these measures were intended not necessarily to cultivate Russia's aesthetic spirit, but to accomplish specific policy goals. The promotion of a State ideology and other efforts to stave of social unrest were chief among them. With the fall of Soviet power and the loss of an official ideology promoted by the state, the concept of cultural politics fell to the wayside. It has remained largely ignored ever since. Despite numerous high-profile incidents of persecution of the creative class, analysts have not linked them together as part of an overarching cultural policy. However, the Russian government under Vladimir Putin has faced consistent policy challenges since the beginning of the 2000s that could be mitigated through the implementation of such a policy. In some ways, the breadth and character of State involvement in the cultural sphere follows the pattern of the country’s autocratic past. In others, it demonstrates that it has adapted these policies to function in the hybrid regime that Putin has created, as opposed to the totalitarian ones that preceded it. A recent case that exemplifies this new breed of cultural policy is the persecution of the radical feminist punk band Pussy Riot. While largely unknown to many Russian citizens, the group’s overt opposition to the patriarchal model of rule established by Putin with the help of the Russian Orthodox Church was met by the most comprehensive crackdown within the cultural sphere since perestroika. Examining this case in detail can reveal the extent to which the Russian government is concerned about its ability to maintain popular legitimacy. The fact that it has continued to try to manage the cultural sphere may indicate the level of democracy that has or has not been established in Russia so far today. / text