Approved for public release, distribution is unlimited / Since 1989 the countries of Central and Eastern Europe have undergone an unprecedented transition from communism to democracy. Establishment of democratic control of armed forces is an inseparable part of the process of consolidation of democracy. The purpose of this thesis is to define those factors that influence democratization of civil-military relations in post-communist countries in the process of transition to democracy. My argument is that countries develop democratic control of armed forces in different ways and with different time boundaries, until the end state is achieved. The democratization of civil-military relations depends on capability of the country in transition to effectively establish (by which I mean to build and put into effect) institutions for democratic control of the military. In evaluating development of the democratization of civil-military relations the post-communist countries of Hungary and Bulgaria are studied in detail with particular attention to the process of establishment, development, and interrelation of institutional arrangements. In this aspect historical legacy, international context and path of transition can help or obstruct the process of development of institutions for democratic control of armed forces. / Lieutenant Colonel, Bulgarian Air Force

Submitted by admin tede (tede@pucgoias.edu.br) on 2017-10-04T19:38:33Z No. of bitstreams: 1 WANESSA BATISTA MELO (2).pdf: 1778223 bytes, checksum: 409c88f68e2b8598d67a5b0a7b7ed2fc (MD5) / Made available in DSpace on 2017-10-04T19:38:33Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 1 WANESSA BATISTA MELO (2).pdf: 1778223 bytes, checksum: 409c88f68e2b8598d67a5b0a7b7ed2fc (MD5) Previous issue date: 2011-05-28 / This thesis aims to investigate and analyze the implications produced by the policies to the elderly in Goiânia-GO, after the implementation process of the Elderly, in view of universal access to social goods and services, such as citizenship rights. The unit of analysis used were two support groups, located in neighborhoods that have the highest number of elderly among its residents, Jardim America (central district) and the New World Garden (suburb). The criterion set for the calculation of the research sample was based on data gathered by the Brazilian Institute of Geography and Statistics (IBGE, 2000) and the Department of Planning Seplan (GOIAS, 2005) on the elderly population goianiense. In the context of research subjects were older than the employees, managers of policies for the elderly in Goiânia. He took up Marx's dialectical method as a reference for understanding the specific social reality experienced by this segment. Based on Netto (2009), it is understood that the "theoretical knowledge is knowledge of the object as it is itself, in its real existence and effective, regardless of the wishes, aspirations and representations of the researcher" (p .673). Adopted as the legal and juridical horizon-formal, Law No. 8.842/94, which regulates the National Elderly Policy (NCP) and Law No. 10.741/2003, that provides for the Elderly (EI). The bibliographic and documentary showed studies on population growth, reduction in the age structure and fertility rates in Goiania in Brazil and its implications for the everyday life of the elderly population. Also revealed that despite social and legal advances in recent years, the elderly resident in the city of Goiania not feel adequately protected legally. There are weaknesses in the system of social protection to the elderly in the county, which are due mainly to the inefficiency of public policy, the disagreements between different governmental and non governmental organizations in protecting the rights of the elderly population, as well as the low effectiveness of the exercise of democratic control by way of direct participation. / Esta dissertação objetiva investigar e analisar as implicações produzidas pelas políticas de atenção ao idoso no município de Goiânia-GO, após o processo de implantação do Estatuto do Idoso, na perspectiva de universalização do acesso aos bens e serviços sociais, como direitos de cidadania. A unidade de análise utilizada foram dois grupos de convivência, localizados em bairros que possuem o maior número de idosos dentre seus moradores, o Jardim América (bairro central) e o Jardim Novo Mundo (bairro periférico). O critério definido como parâmetro para o cálculo amostral da pesquisa foi fundamentado nos dados levantados pelo Instituto Brasileiro de Geografia e Estatística (IBGE,2000) e pela Secretaria de Planejamento Seplan (GOIAS, 2005) sobre a população idosa goianiense. No contexto da pesquisa foram sujeitos colaboradores além dos idosos, os gestores das políticas de atenção ao idoso no município de Goiânia. Tomou-se o método dialético de Marx como referência para a compreensão da realidade social concreta vivenciada por esse segmento. Adotou-se como horizonte legal e jurídico-formal, a Lei nº 8.842/94, que regulamenta a Política Nacional do Idoso (PNI) e a Lei nº 10.741/2003, que dispõe sobre o Estatuto do Idoso (EI). A pesquisa bibliográfica e documental apresentou estudos sobre o aumento demográfico, a redução na pirâmide etária e das taxas de fecundidade no Brasil e em Goiânia e suas implicações para o cotidiano da a população idosa. Revelou, ainda, que apesar dos avanços sociais e legais ocorridos nos últimos anos, o idoso morador na cidade de Goiânia não se sente protegido legalmente de forma satisfatória. Há fragilidades no sistema de proteção social ao idoso no município, as quais são resultantes, sobretudo, da ineficiência das políticas públicas, da desarticulação entre as instituições governamentais e não governamentais na defesa dos direitos da população idosa, como também da ausência do controle democrático por meio da participação direta.

Made available in DSpace on 2014-12-17T15:46:25Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 1 NeilaKFC_DISSERT.pdf: 1127472 bytes, checksum: 45700f0891858913250d80ad1a492743 (MD5) Previous issue date: 2012-06-30 / Coordena??o de Aperfei?oamento de Pessoal de N?vel Superior / This study examines the determinations of the structural crisis of capital in the democratic control effected on the councils of rights and policies. Therefore the research aimed to apprehend and analyze the conjunctural and structural determinations and cyclical changes that incide on democratic control established by the Federal Constitution of 1988. The specific objectives turned to: (1) identify and analyze the theoretical and political fundamentals of democratic control in the production of social service in ENPESS 2010, in the productions of CFESS and the journal social services and society, (2) apprehend and analyze the possibilities, limits, contradictions and social direction of democratic control in contemporaneity and (3) identify and analyze the major political forces that constitute support and opposition to the exercise of democratic control. To approximate to the intended objectives the way theoretical and methodological covered was based in a perspective of totality that allows the apprehension of the object of study in their contradictory dimensions of universality, particularity and singularity. The results enabled to develop critical analysis of theoretical production of the Brazilian social service on the subject, having as snip studies of the journals social service and society; works of ENPESS 2010 and CFESS positioning. It was found, so in analysis undertaken, the spaces of democratic control suffer inflections of capital that shape their practices and social direction. In theoretical productions chosen, identified the prevalence of democratic control studied under an endogenous perspective to participatory canals, with incipient connections to the structural/conjunctural determinations of a historical period of crisis and seeks to restore the hegemony of capital. The positioning of the CFESS tends to recognition of democratic control in its contradictory dynamics recognizing the limits imposed by the sociability of the capital at the present time / O presente estudo analisa as determina??es da crise estrutural do capital no controle democr?tico efetivado nos conselhos de direitos e pol?ticas. Assim, a pesquisa teve como objetivo geral apreender e analisar as determina??es estruturais e conjunturais que incidem em mudan?as no controle democr?tico institu?do pela Constitui??o Federal de 1988. Os objetivos espec?ficos voltaram-se para: (1) identificar e analisar os fundamentos te?rico-pol?ticos do controle democr?tico nas produ??es do servi?o social no ENPESS 2010, nas produ??es do CFESS e na revista servi?o social e sociedade; (2) apreender e analisar as possibilidades, os limites, as contradi??es e a dire??o social do controle democr?tico na contemporaneidade e (3) Identificar e analisar as principais for?as pol?ticas que se constituem apoio e oposi??o ao exerc?cio do controle democr?tico. Para aproxima??o aos objetivos pretendidos o caminho te?rico-metodol?gico percorrido fundamentou-se numa perspectiva de totalidade que possibilita a apreens?o do objeto de estudo em suas dimens?es contradit?rias de universalidade, particularidade e singularidade. Os resultados possibilitaram desenvolver an?lise cr?tica das produ??es te?ricas do servi?o social brasileiro sobre a tem?tica, tendo como recorte os estudos das revistas servi?o social e sociedade; trabalhos do ENPESS 2010 e o posicionamento do CFESS. Constatou-se, assim, na an?lise empreendida, que os espa?os de controle democr?tico sofrem inflex?es do capital, que moldam suas pr?ticas e dire??o social. Nas produ??es te?ricas escolhidas, identificou-se a preval?ncia do controle democr?tico estudado sob uma perspectiva end?gena aos canais participativos, com conex?es incipientes ?s determina??es estruturais/conjunturais de um per?odo hist?rico de crise e busca de restaura??o da hegemonia pelo capital. O posicionamento do CFESS tende ao reconhecimento do controle democr?tico em sua din?mica contradit?ria reconhecendo os limites impostos pela sociabilidade do capital no tempo presente

Submitted by Renata Hessmann Dalaqua (redalaqua@gmail.com) on 2017-09-22T20:36:12Z No. of bitstreams: 1 DALAQUA_Doutorado_final.pdf: 3252315 bytes, checksum: 3a4fced2ce5b55cc24329ea8168417ff (MD5) / Approved for entry into archive by Diego Andrade (diego.andrade@fgv.br) on 2017-09-25T18:24:45Z (GMT) No. of bitstreams: 1 DALAQUA_Doutorado_final.pdf: 3252315 bytes, checksum: 3a4fced2ce5b55cc24329ea8168417ff (MD5) / Made available in DSpace on 2017-09-29T18:48:10Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 1 DALAQUA_Doutorado_final.pdf: 3252315 bytes, checksum: 3a4fced2ce5b55cc24329ea8168417ff (MD5) Previous issue date: 2017-09-11 / This work analyzes the main developments related to the nuclear fuel cycle in contemporary Brazil, paying special attention to the mechanisms of democratic control applied to nuclear energy policy. Based on literature review and empirical research, the thesis presents case studies about the implementation of different stages of the nuclear fuel cycle: 1) uranium mining and processing in Caetité, BA; 2) uranium enrichment in Resende, RJ; 3) construction of Angra 2 nuclear power plant in Angra dos Reis, RJ. The case studies allow in-depth analysis of Brazil’s technopolitical trajectory and the challenges that affect nuclear energy policymaking in a democratic context. The comparison between the cases reveals aspects that characterize Brazil's nuclear policy in the New Republic period, such as the president’s decisive part in decision making, the dependent role of the legislature, the diverse web of accountability institutions, the difficulty of setting limits to political interference in the nuclear institutions, the obstacles affecting the communication between the nuclear operators and the neighboring communities, the contours of nuclearity in each stage of the fuel cycle, among others. By adopting an original perspective for the study of Brazil’s nuclear trajectory, this research aims to provide a better understanding of the conciliation between the imperatives of democracy and the requirements of technological competence in the nuclear field, commonly characterized by its exceptionalism. / Este trabalho analisa os principais desenvolvimentos relacionados ao ciclo do combustível nuclear no Brasil da Nova República, dedicando especial atenção aos mecanismos de controle democrático aplicados à política energética nuclear. Com auxílio da bibliografia especializada e de pesquisa empírica, são apresentados estudos de caso sobre a implantação de diferentes etapas da cadeia de produção da energia nuclear: 1) mineração e processamento de urânio em Caetité, BA; 2) enriquecimento isotópico de urânio em Resende, RJ; e 3) construção da usina nuclear de Angra 2 em Angra dos Reis, RJ. Os estudos de caso permitem a análise em profundidade da trajetória tecnopolítica brasileira e a identificação dos desafios que marcam a formulação da política energética nuclear em um contexto democrático. A comparação entre esses estudos revela aspectos que caracterizam a política nuclear no Brasil da Nova República, como o protagonismo presidencial na tomada de decisão, o papel dependente do Legislativo, a diversificada teia de instituições de controle, a dificuldade de limitar a interferência política nas instituições do setor, os obstáculos para comunicação entre o operador nuclear e as comunidades vizinhas, os contornos que a nuclearidade assume em cada uma das etapas do ciclo do combustível, entre outros. Ao adotar uma perspectiva original para o estudo da trajetória nuclear no Brasil, essa pesquisa pretende proporcionar uma melhor compreensão sobre a conciliação entre os imperativos da democracia e as exigências da competência tecnológica no campo nuclear, comumente caracterizado por seu excepcionalismo.

Over the past five years, Sovereign Wealth Funds (SWFs) have become a prominent phenomenon in contemporary capitalism. Described as government investment vehicles that invest state wealth in financial markets, the majority of the world's 60-plus funds have been established since the year 2000. Despite extensive treatments of SWFs' geopolitical and international significance, ethical and domestic level analyses are sparse. In response, this thesis interrogates three key normative questions raised by the funds for the domestic citizen-state relationship: (1) How (and by whom) should sovereign funds be managed? (2) How should sovereign wealth be invested? (3) How should the earnings of sovereign fund investment be distributed? In answering these questions, this thesis aims to dispel ambiguity over the ownership status of sovereign funds, evident in popular and academic discourse and within communities that establish these entities. For this task, it draws on recently revived fiduciary theory of the citizen-state relationship to argue that the rightful owner of these funds is the citizenry - not states or governments who enjoy physical and legal possession of SWFs. It goes on to examine the implications of this fiduciary state conception of SWF ownership, asking how citizen-owners should enjoy control over and benefit from the distinct constituent parts of their SWF property: the institution of the fund, the underlying sovereign wealth and the financial returns earned on the investment of its assets. The model of citizen ownership defended demands substantially increased popular control over SWF management and the investment of sovereign wealth, as well as direct benefit rights for citizen-owners to fund income through individualised distribution of investment returns. Examination of existing practice among SWFs demonstrates that this normative ideal is far, although not impossibly distant from current institutional practice.

The diploma paper addresses the issue of civil-military relations in the Turkish Republic, whose nature is one of the obstacles to the democratic consolidation. The aim of the study is to analyze the period from 2002 to the present, in which the Justice and Development Party has launched a new era in the civil-military relations and began working to end the dominant role of the army within the Turkish state and the regime, and its subordination to the civilian and democratic control. The work examines adopted reforms and the current role of the army. It assesses if the Republic of Turkey is closer to the democratic model of the civil-military relations.

This dissertation studies military’s withdrawal from politics. It examines military reform in Indonesia which aiming at withdrawing the Indonesian armed forces, currently known as Tentara Nasional Indonesia or TNI, from politics following the fall of Suharto in 1998. It seeks to explain the driving force of the progress of military reform in Indonesia and asks the question of: why has the reform been progressing differently from one agenda to another? It focuses on three agendas of reform, which are: the establishment of normative democratic control over TNI, the disbandment of TNI’s business activities, and the reorganization of TNI’s territorial command structure. It argues that variation in the progress of reform in those three agendas is closely related to military interests. The relatively successful establishment of normative democratic control over the armed forces has been mostly driven by the primacy of national interests within the brass, while the struggling disbandment of military’s business activities is rooted at factional/personal interests within TNI, and the complete failure in the abandonment of territorial command structure is related to strong organizational interests of TNI. This dissertation adopts a within-case comparison to answer the puzzle and focusing on Indonesia which represents the transplacement model of democratization in the third wave of democratization. Since transplacement involves coalition between reformers within the old and the new elites, it allows a process of negotiation in the transition. Hence, it creates a variation of the progress of the reform. Since this dissertation focuses on a single case studies, with three sub-cases, this dissertation is lacking of the power to generalization. However, it allows an in-depth analysis of the case using a process-tracing method. To conduct a proper process-tracing, this dissertation engages in various types of sources such as official documents, meetings’ notes, transcripts of in-depth interviews, personal communications, reports from non-governmental organizations (NGOs), and secondary sources from newspapers’ reports. This dissertation concludes that the progress of the reform, in the case of Indonesia, varies according to the interests of the armed forces, and interaction between those interests and other variables such as the interests of civilian groups. It suggests that the organizational interests of the armed forces are the most influential variable to define the progress. Strong organizational interests would lead to a stall in the reform. The case of territorial command structure as well as, to a lesser degree, the second phase of the normative democratic control over the armed forces suggests this claim. In the absence of organizational interests, the existence of strong factional/personal interests would lead to problems in the advancement of the reform. The case of disbandment of military informal business activities supports this claim. Finally, the progress of the reform would be relatively smooth in the absence of those two interests and in the guidance of national interests.

La coopération entre les autorités de régulation en matière de communications électroniques et d’énergie s’inscrit dans le contexte de mutation de l’administration européenne qui est intervenue au fil des deux dernières décennies. Son architecture institutionnelle est marquée par la forte européanisation des autorités de régulation,laquelle est le résultat de l’harmonisation opérée par le droit de l’Union européenne et de la diffusion de meilleures pratiques. La coopération entre les autorités de régulation se fonde néanmoins sur des principes juridiques flous en droit primaire. Elle est de plus marquée par l’ambigüité de la délégation des pouvoirs à l’échelle de l’Union européenne. Dans les deux secteurs étudiés, elle traduit l’hybridation des modèles de gouvernance que sont les « agences de l’Union européenne » et les « réseaux d’autorités », car elle a donné naissance à une « agence en réseau » puissante dans le domaine de l’énergie - l’ACRE- et à un « réseau agenciarisé » faible en matière de communications électroniques– l’ORECE.Pour assurer l’effectivité de l’ « Union de droit », les actes de ces organismes de l’Unioneuropéenne sont contrôlés par le juge de l’Union européenne, dont la saisine par lesparticuliers reste malheureusement difficile. Dans ce contexte, le Médiateur européen présente un potentiel fort en tant qu’instance de contrôle complémentaire. Quant au prétendu déficit démocratique souligné par les détracteurs de l’Union européenne, il est ici démenti car le Parlement européen assure un contrôle démocratique efficace sur les organismes étudiés. Si ses moyens de contrôle politique sont largement informels et méritent d’être approfondis, le contrôle qu’il exerce dans le cadre de la procédure de décharge budgétaire peut, quant à lui, déboucher sur une transformation de l’architecture institutionnelle des organismes étudiés. / The cooperation among regulatory authorities in the field of electronic communications and energy takes place against the background of the transformation of the european administration in the last two decades. Its institutional design bears the mark of the europeanisation of regulators through the harmonisation brought about by EU law and the diffusion of best practices. The cooperation among regulatory authorities is formalised on the basis of a primary law that is vague. It is also marked by ambiguity with regard to the delegation of pouvoirs on a European level. In the sectors of energy and electronic communications, it reflects the « hybrisation » of two models of governance, European agencies and networks, giving birth to a powerful « network agency » in the field of energy-the ACER- and a weak « agenciarised network » in the field of electronic communications- the BEREC. The control of the acts of these two organisms in a « Union of law » is ensured by the Cour of justice of the European Union which is, however, difficult to accessfor individuals. In this context, the European Ombudsman demonstrates a real potential as a complementary forum of control. Against a priori hypotheses with respect to the democratic deficit of the European Union, the European Parliament effectively ensures the democratic control of ACER and BEREC. Even if its means of political control are largelyinformal and should be better defined, the control it exercices in the context of the budgetary discharge procedure is capable of transforming the institutional design of the above mentioned organisms.