<p>In the context of democratisation in the early 1990s, the governments in Central and East Europe (CEE) had to decide how to deal with property that had been confiscated under state socialism. Nationalised housing and collectivised land were to a varying extent returned to former owners and their heirs by means of restitution, as well as being distributed to other citizens who were in possession of the users’ rights to such properties.</p><p>This thesis examines the spatial impacts, in terms of ownership patterns, of the way the redistribution of nationalised housing and collectivised land has been dealt with politically and at the local level in post-socialist Romania. It also locates the Romanian property reforms in relation to those of the rest of CEE. The impact of political directives on the property redistribution is analysed in relation to both structural influences, such as democratisation and antecedent property regimes, and implementation patterns in varied place-contexts. The thesis demonstrates that restitution was stifled due to disagreements between leftist and rightist political blocs, with the latter arguing for restitution whilst their opponents wrote the first restitution laws. A re-privatisation law allowed for the public sale of nationalised housing to tenants and thereby blocked the implementation of a restitution law, thus constituting a dilemma for constitutional democracy. In liberal place-contexts in West Romania, these obstacles to housing restitution were in part avoided. By contrast, land restitution was most widespread in the east, a stronghold of the left. This was because the legislation gives priority to restitution in areas of this kind, where smaller land-holdings dominated prior to 1945. The left-wing government pursued an electoral strategy of distributing small properties to a large number of citizens, and to current users in particular. This resulted in a fragmentation of historical property. </p>

Ghana ist ein Musterbeispiel dafür, dass ein Entwicklungsland den Weg zu Good Governance schaffen kann. In vielen Studien wird dem Land im afrikanischen Vergleich heute bescheinigt, hier ein Vorreiter zu sein. Dies ist Ausgangslage der vorliegenden Studie, die der Frage nachgeht „Welche Gründe, Muster und Bedingungen führen zur Entstehung von Good Governance?“. Im Zentrum der vorliegenden Studie steht, wie aus der erkenntnisleitenden Fragestellung hervorgeht, eine empirische Untersuchung zur Entstehung von Good Governance und damit ein Transformationsprozess. Dieser wird bewusst über einen sehr langen Zeitraum (über ein halbes Jahrhundert) untersucht, um auch langfristige Entwicklungen einbeziehen zu können. Die Studie wird mit Hilfe eines „Mixed-Methods-Ansatzes“ sowohl unter Rückgriff auf quantitative als auch auf qualitative Methoden durchgeführt, was sich im Rückblick als sehr ertragreich erwiesen hat. Zunächst wird die Qualität der Governance über den gesamten Zeitraum anhand von sechs Indikatoren gemessen. Danach werden qualitativ die Gründe für die Fort- und Rückschritte analysiert. Dabei lassen sich immer wieder Systematiken herausarbeiten, wie zum Beispiel zirkuläre Entwicklungen, die über viele Jahre den Weg hin zu Good Governance verhinderten, bis jeweils Ausbrüche aus den Kreisläufen geschafft werden konnten. Sowohl in der demokratischen und rechtsstaatlichen Entwicklung als auch bezogen auf die Versorgung der Bevölkerung mit öffentlichen Gütern und die wirtschaftliche Entwicklung. Auch wenn die verschiedenen Bereiche von Good Governance zunächst einzeln untersucht werden, so zeigen sich gleichzeitig deutlich die Wechselwirkungen der Komponenten. Zum Beispiel kristallisiert sich klar heraus, dass Rechtsstaatlichkeit sowohl auf die Stabilität politischer Systeme wirkt, als auch auf die wirtschaftliche Entwicklung. Ebenso beeinflussen diese wiederum die Korruption. Ähnliche Verknüpfungen lassen sich auch bei allen anderen Bereichen nachvollziehen. Die Entwicklung eines Landes kann also nur unter Berücksichtigung eines komplexen Governance-Systems verstanden und erklärt werden. Dabei können die Wechselwirkungen entweder konstruktiv oder destruktiv sein. Die Verflechtungen der einzelnen Bereiche werden in einem Negativ- und dann in einem Positiv-Szenario festgehalten. Diese Idealtypen-Bildung spitzt die Erkenntnisse der vorliegenden Arbeit zu und dient dem analytischen Verständnis der untersuchten Prozesse. Die Untersuchung zeigt, wie Good Governance über das Zusammenspiel verschiedener Faktoren entstehen kann und dass es wissenschaftlich sehr ertragreich ist, Transformationsforschung auf ein komplexes Governance-System auszuweiten. Hierbei werden die vielen empirisch erarbeiteten Ergebnisse zu den einzelnen Transformationen zu komplexen, in sich greifenden Gesamtszenarien zusammengeführt. Da es bisher keine explizite Good Governance-Transformationsforschung gab, wurde hiermit ein erster Schritt in diese Richtung getan. Es wird darüber hinaus deutlich, dass eine Transformation zu Good Governance nicht durch eine kurzfristige Veränderung der Rahmenbedingungen zu erreichen ist. Es geht um kulturelle Veränderungen, um Lernprozesse, um langfristige Entwicklungen, die in der Studie am Beispiel Ghana analysiert werden. In vielen vorangegangenen Transformationsstudien wurde diese zeitliche Komponente vernachlässigt. Ghana hat bereits viele Schritte getan, um einen Weg in die Zukunft und zu Good Governance zu finden. Die Untersuchung dieser Schritte ist Kern der vorliegenden Arbeit. Der Weg Ghanas ist jedoch noch nicht abgeschlossen. / Ghana is a prime example that a developing country can forge the path towards Good Governance. According to various studies Ghana, compared to other African countries, is a front-runner in this respect. This study asks the question “what are the reasons, models and conditions which lead to Good Governance?”. At the heart of this study is an empirical analysis of the emergence of Good Governance in Ghana and the process of transformation. This process is studied over a long period of time (more than fifty years), in order to be able to judge the long-term developments as well as those in the short-term. The survey is conducted using a “Mixed Methods Approach”, both quantitative and qualitative analyses methods are used. In hindsight this approach proved to be very effective. Initially the quality of Governance is measured over the entire period of time using six different indicators. The improvements and setbacks are then qualitatively analyzed looking for reasons for these developments. This approach uncovered certain consistent systems i.e. circular developments which, for many years, were an obstacle on the road to Good Governance until Ghana was able to break out of the cycle eventually. Democratic change took place, rule of law was improved just as the provision of the population with public goods and the economic development. Even if the various aspects of Good Governance are studied separately at first, it becomes clear that these aspects are inter-related and influence each other. For example it has been shown, that the rule of law influences the stability of the political as well as the economic system and vice-versa. The development of a country can therefore only be understood and explained using a complex Governance-System. The interactions within this system can either be constructive or destructive. The linkages of the various fields are illustrated first in a negative and then in positive scenario which summarize the findings of this survey. At the same time they contribute to the analytic understanding of the processes analyzed. The study clearly shows how Good Governance emerges from an interaction between different factors. It also shows that it is scientifically very rewarding to consider a complex Governance-System in transformation research. In the study many different, empirically compiled, results concerning the particular transformations are brought together in comprehensive scenarios. As there are no surveys analyzing comprehensive Good Governance-transformations, this study takes the first step in this direction. It is clear that transformation towards Good Governance can not be achieved in a short period of time by changing the general framework. Instead, cultural change, learning processes and long-term development are what is important and these have been analyzed in this study using Ghana as an example. In many earlier studies on transformation this temporal aspect was neglected. Ghana has taken many steps towards Good Governance and the future. The analysis of these steps is core aspect of this survey. The country, however, still has a long way to go.

This article deals with the explanation of failed democratisation as caused by political culture. Against the background of the Belarus’ autocracy, the author questions that political culture can be considered a reason for failed democratisation. The Belarus’ paternalistic political culture does not essentially differ from that of successfully democratising neighbouring states. A weak national conscience is the only specific characteristic of the Belarus autocracy, but it lacks a convincing theoretical link with democratisation. Nevertheless, in paternalistic political cultures, successful democratisation seems to need more incentives for people, due to higher adaptation costs.

Literaturbericht<br><br> Rezensierte Literatur:<br><br> Nikolaus Werz: Lateinamerika. Eine Einführung, Nomos Verlagsgesellschaft, Baden-Baden 2005, 400 S., ISBN 3-8329-1068-9<br> <br> Klaus Bodemer/Detlef Nolte/Hartmut Sangmeister (Hrsg.): Lateinamerika Jahrbuch 2004, Vervuert, Frankfurt a.M. 2004, 385 S., ISBN 3-86527-123-5<br> <br> Peter Imbusch/Dirk Messner/Detlef Nolte (Hrsg.): Chile heute. Politik, Wirtschaft, Kultur, Vervuert, Frankfurt a.M. 2004, 957 S., ISBN 3-89354-590-5<br> <br> Walther L. Bernecker/Marianne Braig/Karl Hölz/Klaus Zimmermann (Hrsg.): Mexiko heute. Politik, Wirtschaft, Kultur, Vervuert, Frankfurt a.M. 2004, 3. vollständig neu bearbeitete Auflage, 826 S., ISBN 3-86527-140-5<br> <br> Rafael Sevilla/Andreas Boeckh (Hrsg.): Venezuela – die Bolivarische Republik, Horlemann, Bad Honnef 2005, 322 S., ISBN 3-89502-197-0

This thesis analyses whether the European Union acts as a trigger for Turkey&rsquo / s democratisation process within the pre-accession period. This study claims that although Turkish civil society has practically been characterised as weak and inactive, the impact of the European Union&rsquo / s politics of civil society on Turkish civil society organisations is a substantial contribution to democratic consolidation in Turkey, where the weakness of democracy has always been an obstacle for the country&rsquo / s integration to the Union. In accordance with this claim, three civil society organisations, which have been previously awarded European Union funded grant, were selected and a printed media screening study covering the period from the Helsinki Summit of 1999, when the European Commission took Turkey&rsquo / s membership application into consideration, to Turkish General Elections of 2011, was carried out. Through this study, the main purpose was to observe to what extent civil society organisations, having been financed under European Union funded grant schemes, provided contribution to Turkey&rsquo / s democratisation process.

More than sixteen years have passed since the launch of the Qatar-based Al Jazeera news channel. Looking back, the state of Arab media and its relationship with the political sphere was different from what we see nowadays. The launch of Al Jazeera in 1996 was a significant event that led to subsequent changes both in the media and politics. Among these changes, the Arab spring, which started in Tunisia in December 2010, is certainly the most remarkable one. This ongoing event has already resulted in the fall of four dictatorships and is expected to unleash a democratization wave and reshape the face of the Arab region. This research analyzes the Al Jazeera democratizing effect and looks at the political implications of the new Arab public sphere. In doing so, it seeks to fill a gap in the existing literature, which tends to ignore the Arab world that remains largely under-researched. Contrary to the top-down approach inherent in the dominant narratives on democratization, that pay almost no attention to the growing role of the media in political change, I adopted a bottom-up approach arguing that, particularly in the Arab setting, it has become almost impossible to separate changes in the media landscape from those in the political field. The Arab spring provides us with a telling empirical example where this interplay is remarkably manifest. In this context, Arab democratization is no longer an abstract; it is rather a developing process that needs our attention and requires concerted scholarly efforts. To develop an original approach to understanding Arab democratization and analyze its complex dynamics, I used grounded theory and its powerful tools in theory building. Based on this theoretical framework I opted for qualitative methodology to elaborate the empirical part of this research, which consists primarily of analyzing and interpreting in-depth interviews conducted with a sample of Al Jazeera’s staff in various managerial and editorial positions.

In the last fifteen years, conflict resolution, a collaborative, problem-solving approach to social conflicts, was introduced to new democracies in an attempt to develop civil society's capacity for conflict management (Mayer, 2000). Conflict resolution provides people with an opportunity to advocate effectively for their own interests in a non-violent, constructive manner through systematic educational efforts, skills trainings, dialogue initiatives, and mediation practices (Mayer, 2000). It empowers people to address, manage, and transform difficulties and antagonism into a source of positive social change and, thus, change people's negative psychological responses to conflicts (Bush & Folger, 1994). In this view, conflict resolution in new democracies' civil society provides citizens as well NGO practitioners with the skills and opportunities to practice how to express and resolve differences in a safe and constructive environment (Shonholtz, 1997). In an effort to provide additional information about civil society's conflict resolution practices and their affect in new democracies, this dissertation examines the existing efforts of South Korean civil society organisations to promote conflict resolution methodologies. Specifically, three organisations are examined to understand better South Korean civil society's response to PCR issues. Furthermore, by closely examining these three civil society organisations, this dissertation aims to explore what affect increased awareness and engagement in conflict resolution methodologies have on the democratic quality of civil society.

This dissertation sets out to investigate the role of the press in effecting political and socio-economic changes in the Bahraini society prior, during and after the Reform Act which was issued by King Hamad Bin Issa Al-Khalifa in February 2001. To this end, the author has used qualitative and quantitative research methods. This was carried out through content analysis of archival data, questionnaires and in-depth structured interviews. The population was randomly selected from journalists, intellectuals, women in key positions as well as media specialists. Qualitatively, the results point to some dramatic changes in varied areas. The press has brought about enhancing the margin of freedom of expression which is depicted in both the coverage and discourse of newspapers discourse. More importantly, the press has a remarkable role in women political empowerment which had been almost absent prior to the Reform Act. Quantitatively, a wider range of topics and issues, some of which are quite sensitive, are now addressed with relative transparency. Another significant change is the increasing number of newspapers. Before the Reform Act there were only two Arabic newspapers, now there are seven Arabic and two English newspapers. Despite such promising changes, some informants continue to believe that the margin of freedom of expression is somewhat restricted and there are some topics and issues that cannot be approached adequately. In light of the results of this study, it can be concluded that the press has effected some major political, social, economic, educational, etc. changes in Bahrain, albeit not quite satisfactorily.

The dissertation examines US democracy protection policy carried out in three post-Soviet countries that had been just moved away from autocratic rule: Russia in 1991-1996; Georgia in 2003-2008; and Ukraine in 2004-2009. It aims to answer the question whether US policy increased or decreased the likelihood of democratic consolidation in new democracies. Based on theoretical insights from the disciplines of both comparative politics and international relations, two novel research instruments are developed: the ‘two scales’ model and the concept of pragmatic democracy protection policy. By employing these two research instruments, it is revealed that US national security interests have had a distorting impact on US democracy protection policy towards Russia, Georgia and Ukraine. Due to its interest in the cooperation with leaders in power, the US did not apply the principal of democratic conditionality in bilateral relations with the three post-Soviet countries and did not deter the non-democratic behaviour of their governments. Such US policy decreased the likelihood of democratic consolidation. Furthermore, US security interests corrupted US-funded democracy assistance programmes in two out of three cases (in Russia and Georgia). Instead of enabling the opposition and civil society in new democracies, these programmes increased the asymmetry of political playing field and limited the capability of civil society to control the government. This also decreased the likelihood of... [to full text] / Disertacijoje nagrinėjama JAV demokratijos gynimo politika, vykdyta trijose iš autokratinio režimo ką tik išėjusiose posovietinėse valstybėse: 1991–1996 m. Rusijoje, 2003–2008 m. Gruzijoje ir 2004–2009 m. Ukrainoje. Siekiama atsakyti į klausimą, ar JAV politika didino, ar mažino šių naujųjų demokratijų konsolidavimo tikimybę. Sujungiant dviejų disciplinų – lyginamosios politikos ir tarptautinių santykių – teorines įžvalgas, darbe konstruojami du nauji tyrimo įrankiai: „dvejų svarstyklių“ modelis ir pragmatinės demokratijos gynimo politikos koncepcija. Pasitelkiant šiuos tyrimo įrankius atskleidžiama, kad ir Rusijos, ir Gruzijos, ir Ukrainos atveju JAV nacionalinio saugumo interesai darė iškreipiantį poveikį JAV vykdytai demokratijos gynimo politikai. Būdamos suinteresuotos bendradarbiavimu su valdžioje buvusiais posovietinių valstybių lyderiais, JAV netaikė sąlygiškumo principo dvišaliuose santykiuose ir neatgrasė naujųjų demokratijų valdžios nuo nedemokratiškų veiksmų. Tokia JAV politika mažino demokratijos konsolidavimo tikimybę. Be to, dviem atvejais (Rusijoje ir Gruzijoje) JAV saugumo interesai darė neveiksmingomis ir JAV finansuotas paramos demokratijai programas. Užuot įgalinusios naujųjų demokratijų opoziciją ir pilietinę visuomenę, šios programos didino politinio žaidimo lauko asimetriškumą ir ribojo pilietinės visuomenės galimybes kontroliuoti valdžią. Tai irgi mažino naujųjų demokratijų konsolidavimo tikimybę.

The study of externally-led democratisation in conflict-affected societies has expanded over the last two decades. The introduction of democracy from the outside has attracted extensive scholarly interest in accordance with the increasing engagement of the United Nations and other international agents in attempting to build long-lasting domestic, regional and international peace through promoting democratic forms of government in the post-Cold War era. The studies conducted to investigate democratisation in post-conflict societies have focused on the construction of government institutions and transferring necessary institutional competencies due to the fact that externally-driven democratisation policies target the state rather than the nation. In this respect, some studies undertaken to examine the process of democratisation in post-conflict societies pointed to the need for sequencing of tasks such as establishing security, law and order and building strong and capable government institutions in the first place. Their focus, however, has still remained on the state rather than the nation. Through examining two case studies, this thesis emphasises two significant points: 1) achieving successful democratic transformation in conflict-affected societies requires not only the construction of functioning central state institutions but also the creation of a shared sense of national community; and 2) sequencing of post-conflict reconstruction tasks therefore should also involve building a sense of national cohesion through promoting social communication, participation and inclusion in political, institutional and social processes while postponing the competitive or potentially conflictual aspects of democracy. The need to integrate the creation of a sense of shared national community into studies of democracy promotion in societies emerging from conflict stems from the fact that the reconstruction of post-conflict societies involves two separate but complementary and interacting processes. These processes were examined under two headings: state-building and nation-building. The construction of well-functioning, effective government institutions and the achievement of a sense of national community were found to be vital, inter-connected factors to consolidate democratic rule promoted by external actors. The lack of or a weak sense of social cohesion has an undermining effect on the capacity of state institutions to exercise authority and effectively and democratically perform their roles and duties. Failing to deliver their functions to the public and exercise political authority throughout the entire territory, weak state institutions, in return, do not provide a suitable environment for consolidating democratic rule, which requires the execution of the rule of law and protection and guaranteeing of citizens’ political rights.