La presente tesis doctoral se centrará en el estudio de uno de los conflictos territoriales más candentes que existen en la región de Asia-Pacífico y, por ende, en la escena internacional, que enfrenta a Japón contra China y Taiwán por la soberanía de las islas Senkaku/Diaoyu. Sin embargo, se hará mayor hincapié en la postura nipona debido a que para Pekín no deja de ser un conflicto más en la región dentro de un plan que tiene como fin dominar el Mar de China, por las implicaciones geopolíticas que ello conlleva. Los objetivos generales que pretendemos alcanzar se sustentan en analizar la política exterior y de seguridad japonesa ante tal contencioso, como también las consecuencias e implicaciones que puede tener para la misma a la hora de entender el papel que debe desempeñar Japón en la escena internacional. Por ahora, ese papel se limita a ser el de “un gigante económico y un enano político”, situación que le impide poder negociar en pie de igualdad ante el ascenso chino. Por esta razón, su deseo de dotarse de un ejército convencional, que le permita ejercer una “diplomacia activa” en la política internacional. Y, por otro lado, también deseamos analizar la política exterior y seguridad china, donde pretendemos valorar y analizar cómo este conflicto se circunscribe dentro de una estrategia geopolítica de Pekín para controlar su mar circundante y, a la postre, dominar la región de Asia-Pacífico. Ya, en última instancia, valorar si esta disputa territorial puede llevar a un enfrentamiento armado entre ambas potencias asiáticas. En definitiva, nuestro propósito era intentar responder a tres hipótesis: La primera hipótesis que nos propusimos responder, “este conflicto supone un replanteamiento de la política exterior y de seguridad de China y Japón”, nos ha llevado a asumir que, aunque entendemos la gran importancia de las islas Senkaku/Diaoyu, dadas las prebendas que podría aportar y al espíritu nacionalista que las envuelve, creemos que no implican por sí solas una modificación de la política exterior japonesa, máxime cuando al poco de finalizar la Guerra Fría y, sobre todo, durante la administración Koizumi, ya se estaban planteando un nuevo papel en la escena regional e internacional de Japón, antes de que la problemática de las Senkaku/Diaoyu alcanzara las dimensiones actuales, como consecuencia del ascenso chino. Y es que en el caso de la política exterior china, las islas Senkaku/Diaoyu no conllevan ningún remplantamiento de su política exterior, pues ha quedado patente que juegan un papel dentro de una gran estrategia de seguridad ya definida desde el fin de la Guerra Fría en aras de alejar de sus costas a Estados Unidos. Por otra parte, respecto a la segunda hipótesis: “existe contrariedad y malestar chino, actuando en consecuencia, ante las acciones japonesas sobre las islas Senkaku/Diaoyu, y, en menor medida, ante Estados Unidos y su posición con los conflictos marítimos de la región debido a la importancia geopolítica del Mar de China”, ciertamente, hemos podido comprobar que existe un fuerte malestar chino ante las acciones niponas, sobre las Senkaku/Diaoyu, e intromisiones estadounidenses sobre los conflictos territoriales que posee Pekín en el conjunto del Mar de China (de vital importancia para su seguridad). Es algo que se refleja en los contundentes e inmediatos comunicados ante cualquier declaración o política foránea que socave o discuta su soberanía de dichos territorios en disputa. Por último, respecto a la tercera hipótesis: “cabe la posibilidad de un enfrentamiento armado entre China y Japón por el dominio de las islas Senkaku/Diaoyu”, en este punto, a corto plazo resulta impensable debido a que los intereses económicos entre ambos países son enormes y, hoy por hoy, el tema de las Senkaku/Diaoyu es secundario. Tal es así que no se prevé que alcance importancia para desencadenar un conflicto a pesar de la propaganda que se le da en los distintos medios de comunicación como consecuencia del creciente nacionalismo de unos y otros. Eso no quiere decir que no pueda llegar a ser un casus belli como consecuencia de los recelos que se sustentan la una y la otra, pero eso en todo caso sería a medio o largo plazo, puesto que ahora sería desastroso para las dos. Y es que gracias a la actual interdependencia económica, queda aún lejos, pero no por ello, hay que bajar la guardia y no afrontar la problemática en su justa media. / La tesis ha contado durante el curso 2017/2018 con una Ayuda para la Formación de Profesorado Universitario (FPU-2016), concedida por el Ministerio de Educación, Cultura y Deporte de España.

China, Japan and South Korea are three big economies in Northeast Asia that are innegotiations for a trilateral Free Trade Agreement (FTA). A concluded FTA among them willcreate world’s third largest regional market that consists of of 1.52 billion people and thataccounts for 20% of world’s GDP. However the economic cooperation between the threecountries has constantly been interrupted by political issues that root back in the history of thethree countries. In the history the three countries have developed enemy images of oneanother, which have restrained their interaction over the years and influenced their currentrelationship. This thesis uses the enmification theory to explain how these enemy images andenmity feelings have emerged in the history and what impacts they have on political issuesand the economic cooperation between the three. Examples on political issues that are broughtup in this thesis are the recent intensified territorial disputes over Diaoyu/Senkaku islands andDokdo/Takeshima islands.

The brutal massacre of Nanking occurred in 1937 by Japanese forces and killed civilians, men women and children. Women were raped and tortured, and Chinese men had to bury each other alive. Considering the Nanking massacre apologies rendered towards the Chinese government and civilians after 1945 from for instance prime ministers of Japan but dissatisfaction has been expressed by the Chinese government and occurred by protests all over China. At the same time as apologies have been rendered towards the Chinese government and civilians, denial of the Nanking massacre has been shown in different scenarios and forms that have made the relationship between the two states, China and Japan increasingly strained and denials of the massacre has been shown in different ways. A qualitative content analysis combined with a case study of the increasingly strained relationship and denials will be the methods for this essay to find reasons, happenings and statements. From the perspective of classical realism, this essay discovers that economic growth, a feeling of seclusion in Japan and threats regarding power and growth in Asia both military and of growth at markets combined with a shifting strategy from the statesman, Xi Jinping could be reasons for Japan to make up denials of the massacre of Nanking and also reasons for the increasingly strained relationship.

Territorial disputes between Japan and South Korea (Dokdo/Takeshima) and Japan, Taiwan, and China (the Senkaku/Diaoyu Islands) are characteristic of post-war East Asian diplomacy. This thesis explores these ongoing territorial disputes, problematizing Realist arguments by which these disputes are analyzed as matters of territorial or resource nationalism, or as the result of legal complications or security concerns. Instead, it is argued that we should look to ideologies of nationalism to understand seemingly extreme emotional reactions over these 'rocks' which threaten to destabilize Northeast Asia. These islands are treated as 'sublime' symbols of the nation and irredentist arguments which support the Japanese, Korean, and Chinese positions read history through a lens of essentialized notions of 'a people' or 'a nation', and in the process help define both.

Territorial disputes between Japan and South Korea (Dokdo/Takeshima) and Japan, Taiwan, and China (the Senkaku/Diaoyu Islands) are characteristic of post-war East Asian diplomacy. This thesis explores these ongoing territorial disputes, problematizing Realist arguments by which these disputes are analyzed as matters of territorial or resource nationalism, or as the result of legal complications or security concerns. Instead, it is argued that we should look to ideologies of nationalism to understand seemingly extreme emotional reactions over these 'rocks' which threaten to destabilize Northeast Asia. These islands are treated as 'sublime' symbols of the nation and irredentist arguments which support the Japanese, Korean, and Chinese positions read history through a lens of essentialized notions of 'a people' or 'a nation', and in the process help define both.

Dispute over the sovereignty of Diaoyu Islands (Senkaku Islands) implicates peace in East Asia. These islands were under Chinese control for five hundred years in the Ming and Qing Dynasties, and were used as sailing coordinates for imperial Chinese missions to the ancient Ryūkyū Kingdom and as part of national defense. Under the control of the Qing Dynasty, the Diaoyu Islands were affiliated with Taiwan. In 1894, the Qing was defeated by Japanese in the Sino-Japanese War and was forced to secede Taiwan and its surrounding islands to Japan in 1985. After World War II, the Diaoyu islands were under the United States¡¦ occupation. In 1972, the United States reverted administrative control over these islands to Japan. The Diaoyu Islands have so far been separated from the Chinese rule for over a century. Due to the intervention of the United States, the Diaoyu Islands were not returned to China or Taiwan after the defeat of Japan in 1945. In the 21st Century, as the resources on earth are gradually depleted, the sovereignty of the Diaoyu Islands has become a ferocious competition among China, Japan, and Taiwan due to its rich ocean resources. At present, the islands are under de facto control by Japan; resolution of the problem has troubled Taiwan, China, and Japan. On September 7, 2010, ¡§Minjin Fishing Boat No. 5179¡¨ collided with Japanese Coast Guard patrol boats. This thesis uses this incident as a case to study the Sino-Japanese conflict on the Diaoyu Islands.

Since the Open-Door Policy has been carried out in 1979, China has gained dramatic improvements in many fields, such as economies and military. At the same time, the considerable changes also bring China many crises from the complicated international envirorunent. This thesis will illustrate these questions through nationalism and realism theoretical framework by using case study with a qualitative approach as the method. With the Five Peaceful Principles of Co-existence based foreign policy, this thesis will experience "Century of Humiliation" of China again and redefine the rising power of China through a case study about Diaoyu/Senkaku Islands dispute between China and Japan. Although it is a little hard to analyze this case under a complicated international environment, plenty of document information will support to get a result of how China's foreign policy and national security are interlinked? Finally, "national insecurities" and "humiliating history" are drawn as the key factors that affect China's foreign policy making, and the interconnections of China's peaceful diplomacy and national security. "National insecurities" and "humiliating history" drive China to make the foreign policy of peaceful development, otherwise, to ensure national security, China need to strengthen the comprehensive national power.

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Diploma thesis is trying to describe and analyse factors shaping current relations between China and Japan. My intention is to identify main factor, which shape and influence bilateral Sino-japan relations in long term view. I suggest that main factor is historical factor. Thesis explains the change in bilateral relations after Cold war. Also explains national myth-making, nationalism and current problems such as Yasukuni Shrine and text-book controversy. Last part is focused on territorial conflict between China and Japan, namely Senkaku/Diaoyu islands.

MARTINA SUMICHRASTOVA 10.5.18 The Fading Face of the Chinese Dragon? The Dispute Over the Senkaku/Diaoyu Islands ABSTRACT Keywords: the Senkaku/Diaoyu Islands, China vs Japan, The face of nation, two level game theory, Chinese Dream The emergence of the global-economic crisis of 2008 helped the People's Republic of China to acquire the status of the world's second-largest economy. Not only did it open the doors for more significant opportunities for China in the sphere of commerce, but it allowed the People's Republic of China to be seen differently in the matters of military, diplomacy as well as on their level of domestic politics. This thesis aims to provide an insight into a smouldering territorial dispute over the Senkaku/ Diaoyu Islands concerning the deeply enrooted concept of the face. The concept of the face is essential mainly for Confucian societies as well as the East- Asian societies. However, slipping of the Chinese Dream, the People's Republic of China seems to be challenged in socio-political terms. Is the face of Chinese Dragon fading away? As it is well known, both sides involved in the conflict, China, and Japan have had a turbulent history of disputes and quarrels. What makes the Chinese Officials to get involved in the territorial dispute, to strengthen the face of Chinese Dragon? The...