Acad. diss.--Jyväskylä, 1998. / Bibliogr. p. 143-148.

Cette thèse s’oppose à la conception commune suivant laquelle les philosophes des Lumières défendraient de concert l’idée suivant laquelle l’individu posséderait en lui-même les ressources nécessaires pour fonder la connaissance et la morale. Nous nous intéresserons plus particulièrement à la pensée de Diderot, figure marquante du XVIIIe siècle qui présente une conception d’un sujet dont la constitution dépend plutôt de ses rapports à autrui. Le rapport à un autre réel tel que présenté par Diderot montre la dépendance dans laquelle le sujet se tient pour fonder la connaissance et la morale. Le rapport à un autre imaginé en son absence montre, sous un angle différent – celui de l’expérience ou du vécu – comment le moi est constamment habité par autrui. C’est à ces deux modes du rapport à autrui que nous nous intéresserons pour montrer deux choses : (1) qu’il n’existe pas un accord généralisé chez les philosophes du XVIIIe siècle autour de l’individualisme puisque Diderot ne peut être rangé dans le camp des philosophes individualistes et (2) que la pensée de Diderot est suffisamment riche pour être étudiée non pas qu’historiquement sur les impacts qu’elle a eus, mais philosophiquement.

This thesis attempts to present a synthesis of the views on moral and social questions which may be found dispersed throughout Diderot's works and correspondence. In the course of the presentation a number of alleged contradictions are either denied or resolved, and it is demonstrated that the philosopher's mature doctrine attains a substantial, though not total, unity. After his early deistic period, Diderot never departed from a materialistic and deterministic conception of the world and of man. It is inaccurate to say that on an emotional plane he rejected the determinism of which he was convinced intellectually. Moreover, between his denial of free-will and his social utilitarianism he admits no real incompatibility. In claiming that in a deterministic world the concepts of vice and virtue are meaningless and in replacing them by those of maleficence and beneficence, he retains the essential distinction between moral good and moral evil, but stresses that one must look especially to improvements in the structure of society to encourage individuals to act in the general interest. Diderot's radical criticism of the moral code prevailing in his own society, especially with regard to sexuality, should he regarded not as advocacy of an anarchism which would run counter to the whole notion of a harmonious society, hut as an appeal for a more rational.social morality. His thinking, as it relates to moral conduct in existing social contexts, and his suggestions for possible reform of the moral code are cautious and imply a considerable degree of relativism. A major spokesman of eighteenth-century liberalism, Diderot protests eloquently against arbitrary government and social injustice. He proclaims the principle of popular sovereignty, though he does not propose either direct or representative majority rule as an effective political solution. Disillusioned regarding the possibility of an absolutism dedicated to the general interest, he increasingly favours constitutionally limited monarchy. His vision of an anarchical, yet harmonious, society is a purely speculative ideal; for practical purposes, human imperfection renders government and legislation necessary. While fearful, of the immediate consequences of revolution, Diderot nevertheless suggests that it may well be the only means of instituting a political structure more favourable in the long run to general happiness. Although Diderot lays great emphasis on the value of individuality, and deplores the pressures which lead to a dull uniformity of character, he stops short of condoning the kind of individuality which must express itself in anti-social acts. His admiration for the grandeur d'ame of certain criminals in no way implies moral approval of their conduct. Diderot's ethical thought is not merely critical. He rejects, extremes of moral relativism and seeks to base a universal moral law on the nature of man and of human relations. The moral obligation of the individual to obey this law presents Diderot with a difficult problem. He tries to show that the individual's self-interest, if correctly understood, must always prompt him to act in accordance with the general interest. To demonstrate this proposition, Diderot is obliged to appeal to elusive subjective factors such as remorse. Even so, he is not thoroughly convinced that this doctrine of the bond between virtue and personal happiness is universally valid, for it conflicts with his recognition of the great variation in individual human nature. He is thus torn between his emotional need to believe a certain ethical doctrine and intellectual doubts regarding its validity. Here is the true conflict between head and heart in Diderot and the only important point upon which his ethical thought falls short of complete unity. / Arts, Faculty of / French, Hispanic, and Italian Studies, Department of / Graduate

No description available.

No description available.

Diderot et l'Encyclopédie se propose d'enquêter sur le rapport entre ladimension anthropologique et la dimension politique: en d'autres mots,d'enquêter sur le lien qui se trouve entre une épistémologie matérialiste, et doncune nouvelle conception de l'être physiologiquement et matériellementdéterminé, et la transformation sociopolitique que l’Encyclopédie propose; unetransformation qui se concrétise au moyen de relations qui s'entrecroisent, àcaractère théorétique et cognitif (renvois), ou à caractère matériel (de l'organe àl'organisation, lutte aux corporations, division du travail, solidarité).L’hypothèse qui meut l'étude et qui, peut-être, en représente l'aspect leplus original, est l’identification de la présence d'un projet éducatif très vaste quipermettrait de maintenir ensemble, dans la pensée du philosophe de Langres,plan anthropologique et plan politique, en leur donnant, un “sens abouti” et enles empêchant de plonger dans le désespoir que le non-systématisme du procédédiderotien suscite parfois; un tel projet éducatif viserait, en paraphrasant lesThèses sur Feuerbach, à “éduquer aux éducateurs”, à faire d'eux des hommeséclairés dans une perspective de “perfectibilité matérialisée”. / My research examines the relationship between Diderot's early philosophical works and the Encyclopédie, specifically investigating the link between its anthropological and political dimensions. In other words, in my research I look at the connection between a materialist epistemology, which features a new conception of the 'human being” as a physically and physiologically determined entity, and the socio-political transformations suggested by the Encyclopédie. These transformations involve a series of intersecting relations of both theoretical-cognitive (renvois) and material nature (e.g. the shift from “organ” to “organization”, the fight to guilds, the division of labor, and the concept of solidarity).The interpretative contribution of this thesis lies in the identification of an educational project, which ties both anthropological and political aspects, and which is concerned with the materialistic education of the Third State. Quoting the Theses on Feuerbach, this educational project seems to show the necessity for educators to be enlightened too.According to this new interpretation, the Encyclopédie can no longer be considered a mere intellectual effort, and can finally become a true "revolutionary practice", a "Pensée en action". In this way, the Encyclopédie symbolizes the culmination of those organic cycles preceding every revolution (Venturi 1939), as well as a reference for those men who need take part in the "Progress" (in the mechanical sense) after the "revolution". As a result, the Encyclopédie develops into a praxis against the system, whose beating heart is represented by its relational and dialectical dimensions, which are able to generate new foundations for social life and new ways to think of politics.

Nesta tese concentro-me em duas propostas de educação pública que Denis Diderot projeta para a Rússia - assim como no pensamento político que lhes dá origem. Para tanto, analiso textos pouco estudados de Diderot e de seus interlocutores (sobretudo da década de 1770), como: Mémoires pour Catherine II; Observations sur le Nakaz; e o próprio Nakaz, de Catarina II; além de grande parte da correspondência do filósofo francês. Em tais textos, Diderot revela um pensamento político mais completo e até mesmo mais autoral do que em obras de outros períodos. Os projetos de educação pública que aqui examino, assim como o pensamento político que os concerne, são, indubitavelmente, os mais representativos daquilo que significou o período das luzes, seja pelo que neles há de tradição política e educacional, seja pelo que há de inovador e arrojado nas aspirações iluministas de reforma geral da sociedade. Aspirações que fazem com que as próprias propostas de educação pública de Diderot insiram-se em um intento maior, que marca toda a trajetória filosófica do pensador: a construção de uma nova ordem política e social, por meio do maior fomento possível e da difusão máxima das luzes. A proposta educacional de Diderot, como um todo, situa-se no cerne deste intento; constitui-se como parte dele, mas não como uma parte qualquer. Demonstro que, sem a educação pública, a reforma institucional que Diderot formula para a Rússia, assim como o conjunto de seu pensamento sobre o homem em seu estado civil, perde a sua própria razão de ser: a superação da ignorância e tudo o que a fomenta - como a tirania, o fanatismo e a desigualdade de direitos. Demonstro ainda como Diderot encontra no interior das escolas setecentistas (sobre as quais desfere as mais duras críticas) um critério de justiça com o qual visa corrigir toda a sociedade: o mérito individual. Então, sem me descuidar do contexto histórico, traço as raízes filosóficas destas propostas de Diderot, a fim de melhor compreender as relações que ele estabelece entre educação e política; conhecimento e justiça; instrução e progresso. / In this dissertation, I focus on two proposals for public education that Diderot designs for Russia - as well as on the political thought that gives rise to them. To this end, I analyze some texts of Diderot and his partners (mainly from the 1770s) that do not use to be carefully studied by scholars, such as: Memoires pour Catherine II; Observations sur le Nakaz; and Nakaz itself, written by Catherine II; besides that, I also analyze most of the letters written by the French philosopher. In these texts, Diderot reveals a more complex and original political thought in comparison with works of others periods. The public educational projects that I examine here, as well as the political thought regarding them, are undoubtedly the most representative of what Enlightenment meant, considering both what is in its political and educational tradition and what is innovative and audacious in the Enlightenment\'s aspirations for the general reform of society. These aspirations make Diderots public education proposal takes part of a greater ambition, which marks all the philosophical journey of the thinker: the building of a new social and political order, through the largest possible promotion and dissemination of knowledge. The public education plan proposed by Diderot as a whole is the core of this intent; it is constituted as part of it, but it is not any part. I demonstrate that, without public education, the institutional reform that Diderot proposes for Russia, as well as the whole of his thinking about the man in his civil status, loses its own reason of being: the overcoming of ignorance and everything that encourages it - such as tyranny, bigotry and inequality of rights. I also show how Diderot finds in the schools of the 18th century (that are strongly criticized by him) a criterion of justice through which he will aim at correcting the entire society: the individual merit. Thus, without neglecting the historical context, I trace the philosophical roots of Diderot\'s proposals in order to better understand the relations that he establishes between education and politics; knowledge and justice; education and progress.

Nesta tese concentro-me em duas propostas de educação pública que Denis Diderot projeta para a Rússia - assim como no pensamento político que lhes dá origem. Para tanto, analiso textos pouco estudados de Diderot e de seus interlocutores (sobretudo da década de 1770), como: Mémoires pour Catherine II; Observations sur le Nakaz; e o próprio Nakaz, de Catarina II; além de grande parte da correspondência do filósofo francês. Em tais textos, Diderot revela um pensamento político mais completo e até mesmo mais autoral do que em obras de outros períodos. Os projetos de educação pública que aqui examino, assim como o pensamento político que os concerne, são, indubitavelmente, os mais representativos daquilo que significou o período das luzes, seja pelo que neles há de tradição política e educacional, seja pelo que há de inovador e arrojado nas aspirações iluministas de reforma geral da sociedade. Aspirações que fazem com que as próprias propostas de educação pública de Diderot insiram-se em um intento maior, que marca toda a trajetória filosófica do pensador: a construção de uma nova ordem política e social, por meio do maior fomento possível e da difusão máxima das luzes. A proposta educacional de Diderot, como um todo, situa-se no cerne deste intento; constitui-se como parte dele, mas não como uma parte qualquer. Demonstro que, sem a educação pública, a reforma institucional que Diderot formula para a Rússia, assim como o conjunto de seu pensamento sobre o homem em seu estado civil, perde a sua própria razão de ser: a superação da ignorância e tudo o que a fomenta - como a tirania, o fanatismo e a desigualdade de direitos. Demonstro ainda como Diderot encontra no interior das escolas setecentistas (sobre as quais desfere as mais duras críticas) um critério de justiça com o qual visa corrigir toda a sociedade: o mérito individual. Então, sem me descuidar do contexto histórico, traço as raízes filosóficas destas propostas de Diderot, a fim de melhor compreender as relações que ele estabelece entre educação e política; conhecimento e justiça; instrução e progresso. / In this dissertation, I focus on two proposals for public education that Diderot designs for Russia - as well as on the political thought that gives rise to them. To this end, I analyze some texts of Diderot and his partners (mainly from the 1770s) that do not use to be carefully studied by scholars, such as: Memoires pour Catherine II; Observations sur le Nakaz; and Nakaz itself, written by Catherine II; besides that, I also analyze most of the letters written by the French philosopher. In these texts, Diderot reveals a more complex and original political thought in comparison with works of others periods. The public educational projects that I examine here, as well as the political thought regarding them, are undoubtedly the most representative of what Enlightenment meant, considering both what is in its political and educational tradition and what is innovative and audacious in the Enlightenment\'s aspirations for the general reform of society. These aspirations make Diderots public education proposal takes part of a greater ambition, which marks all the philosophical journey of the thinker: the building of a new social and political order, through the largest possible promotion and dissemination of knowledge. The public education plan proposed by Diderot as a whole is the core of this intent; it is constituted as part of it, but it is not any part. I demonstrate that, without public education, the institutional reform that Diderot proposes for Russia, as well as the whole of his thinking about the man in his civil status, loses its own reason of being: the overcoming of ignorance and everything that encourages it - such as tyranny, bigotry and inequality of rights. I also show how Diderot finds in the schools of the 18th century (that are strongly criticized by him) a criterion of justice through which he will aim at correcting the entire society: the individual merit. Thus, without neglecting the historical context, I trace the philosophical roots of Diderot\'s proposals in order to better understand the relations that he establishes between education and politics; knowledge and justice; education and progress.

Texte remanié de : Dissertation : Romanistik : Neuphilologische Fakultät der Universität Heidelberg : 1982. / Bibliogr. p. 99-134.

Thesis (Doctoral)--Université Paris III-Sorbonne nouvelle, Université de Szeged, littérature et civlisation françaises, 2001. / Includes bibliographical references and index.