A presente tese trata da teoria da justiça de Adam Smith, especialmente das operações de linguagem realizadas por ela no conceito de justiça distributiva, contribuindo para o processo histórico de deslizamento deste conceito, a resultar na inexigibilidade jurídica dos temas distributivos e sua confusão com o conceito de caridade. Para isso, valemo-nos da metodologia proposta por Quentin Skinner e J.G.A. Pocock, de acordo com a qual é necessária a contextualização do texto, para se identificarem as linguagens da teoria política com as quais o autor teve que dialogar. Assim, a tese é divida em duas partes. Na primeira, buscando se tal contextualização, foram estudados autores que antecederam ou conviveram com Adam Smith, para se identificarem os problemas filosóficos por ele enfrentados e a maneira como buscaram resolvê-los. No primeiro capítulo foram vistas as instituições tradicionais escocesas, especialmente a jurisprudênciade Lord Stair (1619-1695). No seguinte, examinou-se o movimento de transição dos filósofos escoceses, buscando reformular tais instituições, a fim de adaptá-las à sociedade comercial inglesa, tendo em vista o Ato de União de 1707. Assim, trata-se da teoria da justiça de Gershom Carmichael (1672-1729), Francis Hutcheson (1694-1746) e Lord Kames (1696-1782). Desta primeira parte, notou-se que, na transição filosófica moral escocesa, foi dedicada especial atenção à concepção de virtude. Na segunda parte, no terceiro capítulo se fez uma contextualização histórica e notou-se que o conceito de virtude desempenhou um papel fundamental nos debates políticos ingleses dos séculos. XVII e XVIII. No quarto, tratou-se do papel da imaginação na teoria do conhecimento de Smith, falando-se sobre a imaginação simpatética (da filosofia moral), mas especialmente da imaginação teorética (das ciências naturais). Constatando-se a pretensão de Smith em aplicar o método da ciência especulativa a todas as áreas do conhecimento, conclui-se por sua necessidade de naturalizar as instituições sociais, a fim de que houvesse um objeto a ser espelhado (speculum) pelas ciências especulativas. Assim, no quinto, se viu como Smith procurou naturalizar a instituição social da linguagem. No sexto, como, através de sua história conjectural, buscou naturalizar a própria sociedade. No sétimo, como, apropriando-se de diversas tradições filosóficas, e operando deslizes em seus conceitos de virtude, Smith naturaliza sua concepção geral de virtude, decorrente da naturalização de suas quatro virtudes particulares (prudência, benevolência, justiça e autodomínio), fazendo com que ela não mais dependa de uma perspectiva de racionalidade prática. No oitavo, como a virtude particular da justiça foi restrita ao campo da justiça comutativa, que seria a única exigível, e como a justiça distributiva se tornou objeto da benevolência (caridade). No nono, como os temas distributivos foram relegados à política econômica. Ao final, concluiu-se que, com a naturalização da virtude e a restrição da exigibilidade da justiça ao campo comutativo, a possibilidade de distribuição deixou de ser matéria deontológica e passou a depender ontologicamente da eficiência produtiva, deixando a lógica distributiva a se referir a um critério racional deontológico de igualdade, passando sua causa a se submeter à lógica econômica de eficiência, e a maneira da distribuição, ao sentimentalismo moral da caridade. / The present thesis concerns Adam Smiths theory of justice, in particular the operations of language realized by it in the concept of distributive justice, contributing to the historical process of erosion of this concept and resulting in the judicial uncoerciveness of the distributive themes and their confusion with the concept of charity. For that, we make use of the methodology proposed by Quentin Skinner and J. G. A. Pocock, according to which the text must be contenxtualized, in order that the political theory language with which the author had to hold a dialogue with can be identified. In that manner, the thesis is split into two parts. In the first, aiming for such a contextualization, we study the authors that either preceded Adam Smith or were his contemporaries, so that the philosophical problems by him faced and the manners in which resolutions were attempted can be identified. In the first chapter the traditional Scottish institutions are seen, in particular the jurisprudence of Lord Stair (1619 -1695). In the following, we examined the movement of transition of the Scottish philosophers, which aimed to reformulate such institutions with the goal of adapting them to the commercial English society, in the light of the Union Act of 1707. Thus, the treatment is of the theories of justice of Gershom Carmichael (1672 -1729), Francis Hutcheson (1694 -1746) and Lord Kames (1696 -1782). From this first part, it was noted that in the transition of the Scottish moral philosophy special attention was given to the concept of virtue. In the second part, in the third chapter, after performing a historical contextualization, it is noted that the concept of virtue played a fundamental role in the English political debates of the XVII e XVIII centuries. In the fourth, the role of imagination in Smith\'s theory of knowledge is treated, discussing sympathetic imagination (of moral philosophy), but particularly the theoretical imagination (of the natural sciences). Having established Smith\'s intention in applying the speculative science method to all areas of knowledge, his necessity in naturalizing the social institutions in ascertained, in order that there is an object to be mirrored by (speculum) the speculative sciences. Hence, in the fifth, it is seen how Smith aimed to naturalize the social institution of language. In the sixth, how, through his conjectural history, he aimed to naturalize society itself. In the seventh, appropriating himself of various philosophical traditions and operating shifts in his concepts of virtue, Smith naturalizes his general conception of virtue, itself derived from the naturalization of his four particular virtues (prudence, benevolence, justice and self-command), so that it no longer depends on a practical rationality perspective. In the eighth, it is seen how the particular virtue of justice was restricted to the field of commutative justice, which would be the only claimable one, one, and how distributive justice became the object of benevolence (charity). In the ninth, we see how distributives themes were relegated to economic policy. Finally, it is concluded that with the naturalization of virtue and the restriction of the liability of justice to the commutative field, the possibility of distribution ceased to be a deontological matter and became ontologically dependent on productivec efficiency, leaving distributional logic to refer to a criterium of deontological equality, its cause submitted to economic\'s logic of efficiency, and the manner of distribution, to the moral moral sentimentalism of charity.

A presente dissertação busca realizar uma discussão pormenorizada de dois grandes teóricos da justiça distributiva: John Rawls e Ronald Dworkin. O objetivo é verificar como a meritocracia e a responsabilidade individual são acomodadas, de forma normativamente apropriada, nessas diferentes interpretações do igualitarismo, ressaltando suas justificativas para a existência de desigualdades socioeconômicas, isto é, sob que condições estas poderiam ser consideradas legítimas. Além disso, verificar-se-á que tipo de políticas públicas o Estado estaria autorizado a adotar, se levar em consideração as implicações de cada uma dessas concepções de justiça. / This dissertation seeks to accomplish a detailed discussion of two major theorists of distributive justice: John Rawls and Ronald Dworkin. The aim is to check how meritocracy and individual responsibility are accommodated, in normatively appropriate way, in these different interpretations of egalitarianism, highlighting the justifications for the existence of socioeconomic inequalities, that is, under what conditions these could be considered legitimate. Furthermore, this study will verify what kind of policies the state would be authorized to adopt, taking into account the implications of each of these conceptions of justice.

Family reunification for unaccompanied refugee minors is one of the most debatable issues when it comes to deciding whether it should be viewed as a right or it can be justifiable for states to completely prevent it and rather provide it only as a privilege. The discussion in the legal sphere proved that the issue is still problematic in both international and European laws. In this thesis, I have analyzed this issue through assessing the three claims that were provided by the United Kingdom for its negative position on the case. Through the lens of the child’s best interests’ principle, the non-discrimination principle, and the global distributive justice theory, I argued for considering family reunification as a right rather than a privilege. Children should always be treated as children. It cannot be justifiable for states to completely prevent them from being reunited with their families for being refugees.

Die Einführung des flächendeckenden gesetzlichen Mindestlohns von 8,50 Euro ist ein großes, mit vielen sozialpolitischen Risiken verbundenes Experiment. Im ersten Teil dieses Übersichtsartikels zeigen wir, dass weder die unterschiedlichen theoretischen Erklärungsmodelle noch die große Anzahl empirischer Arbeiten aus anderen Ländern die Hoffnung rechtfertigen, der Mindestlohn würde in Deutschland keine substantiellen Beschäftigungsverluste mit sich bringen. Im zweiten Teil verwenden wir dann aktuelle Daten zur Lohnverteilung in Deutschland, um mit Hilfe einer Simulationsrechnung für die unterschiedlichen theoretischen Szenarien zu untersuchen, welche Beschäftigungsrisiken für unterschiedliche Zielgruppen durch die Einführung eines flächendeckenden Mindestlohns von 8,50 Euro drohen. Besonders stark betroffen sind die heutigen „Aufstocker“, die von der Mindestlohnerhöhung kaum etwas mit nach Hause nehmen können, aber in Zukunft einem ungleich höheren Arbeitsplatzrisiko ausgesetzt sind. Diese Befunde lassen zweifeln, dass die Politik mit dem Mindestlohn ihre erklärten Ziele einer erhöhten Verteilungsgerechtigkeit und der Entlastung der öffentlichen Haushalte erreichen kann.

No description available.

Forests provide ecosystem services, whereby near-natural forests offer mainly cultural as well as regulating services, and economical forests offer mainly provisional services. Even though wind resources above forests show a strong wind shear and veer as well as high turbulence intensity, the development of tall and low-wind-speed-adapted turbines led to the feasibility of wind power development in economical forests, adding a new land use. Nonetheless, wind power in economical forests is still a new concept for Germany. So far, only eight of the 16 federal states enable this by forest law and spatial planning programs driven by land-use pressure and the goal of climate neutrality. Lower Saxony is currently amending its spatial planning program to open economical forests for wind power. The thesis aims to improve the understanding of the actors’ perspectives and federal-state-specific circumstances in Lower Saxony regarding this policy shift supported by a constellation analysis. A constellation analysis helps to perceive multiple perspectives by creating a diagram and textually describing the situation to identify, present, and elaborate relevant constellation elements and their relation to each other. The constellation analysis highlights that the development should add a local value to impacted municipalities and communities by following the principles of distributive and procedural justice. This facilitates local acceptance. However, environmental and landscape impacts are the main driver for local opposition in a forest context. Thus, the development shall strive for nature compatibility.

No description available.

Within the contemporary international order, deep structural inequalities coexist alongside a nominally pluralistic society of states that grants international personality to politically organised communities. Asymmetric interactions between distinct political communities have shaped the development of the international system from the colonial era to the present phase of global economic integration. Rising interdependence, problems of unequal development and the democratic mobilisation of peoples around the world have generated moral claims regarding the injustice of global inequality. In this context the international politics of inequality have taken the format of challenges by the political representatives of the global South to the dominance of the advanced industrialised North. The normative dimensions of this process can be understood through a focus on this process of political argument between unequals. Political argument is contestation over the principles appropriate to govern a sphere of social interaction. The thesis seeks to vindicate the notion that the challenges by the global South have given rise to a dynamic of political argument within a norm-governed international society. Changes in patterns of normative belief, material power and forms of political organisation have historically shaped North-South relations. Therefore, through the analysis of particular episodes of North-South argument, the thesis attempts to provide insights into the moral limits and possibilities of an evolving international society. Analysing the organised attempts to challenge inequality on the part of the representatives of the global South, the thesis seeks to advance the position the tensions generated by claims over inequality might provide the nucleus for the incorporation of egalitarian concerns into the operation of international society. Through participation in common practices of statehood, the peoples of the global South possess at least some ability to challenge structural inequalities and thus the potential to expand the moral limits of international society.

published_or_final_version / Urban Planning / Master / Master of Science in Urban Planning

Quel rôle les entreprises doivent-elles jouer dans la société ? Dans le premier chapitre, nous critiquons l’idée selon laquelle les entreprises ont des responsabilités sociales au-delà de la loi : elles n’ont ni les capacités ni la légitimité démocratique d’agir au nom du bien commun. Elles doivent se contenter d’assumer leur rôle économique en respectant la loi. Cependant, celui-ci inclut la distribution des richesses. Le deuxième chapitre présente trois intuitions issues de la pensée économique classique. Celles-ci permettent de justifier une distribution égalitaire des revenus du travail. Dans le troisième chapitre, nous montrons que les entreprises ont un rôle important dans la coordination des activités économiques et doivent être des institutions clés dans l’instauration d’une distribution plus égalitaire des revenus. Pour promouvoir cet objectif distributif, il faut repenser la propriété, la régulation et le design institutionnel des entreprises. Il faut par exemple favoriser les coopératives et la démocratie d’entreprise. / What role should firms play in modern economies ? In the first chapter, I criticize the idea that firms have broad social responsibilities beyond the law : they have neither the capacity nor the democratic legitimacy to act on behalf of the common good. They must therefore stick to their economic role. However, when defining this economic role, one should include distributive considerations. The second chapter exposes three intuitions of classical economists. These provide the basis to justify an equal distribution of labour income. In the third chapter, I show that firms play an important role in coordinating economic activities, and should be key institutions in establishing a fairer distribution of labour income. In order to promote this distributive goal, one must rethink the ownership and institutional design of firms. For example, the regulation should promote cooperative ownership and workplace democracy.