Ce mémoire propose une étude jurisprudentielle de la compétence constitutionnelle que peut exceptionnellement faire valoir le Parlement en matière de relations de travail lorsque les activités d’une entreprise sont intimement liées à la compétence que détient le Parlement sur les Indiens. La présente étude a pour objet de circonscrire les critères permettant de déterminer laquelle, de la législation provinciale ou fédérale du travail, est applicable à un employeur dont les activités, la mission ou encore la gestion se rattachent à la spécificité autochtone. / This Master’s thesis proposes a jurisprudential study of the exceptional constitutional jurisdiction that Parliament may have over labour relations where the employer’s activities are intimately related to the jurisdiction of the Parliament over “Indians”. The main objective of this study is to identify the criteria to be used to determine whether provincial or federal labour legislation applies to an employer whose activities, mission or management relates in any way to Aboriginal specificity.

La Loi constitutionnelle de 1867 ne contient aucune disposition expresse concernant un quelconque pouvoir pour les gouvernements fédéral et provinciaux de conclure des traités internationaux - ce pouvoir étant réservé, à l'époque de l'adoption de la Loi constitutionnelle de 1867, au pouvoir impérial britannique. Aussi, une seule disposition prévoyait les modalités de mise en oeuvre des traités impériaux au sein de la fédération canadienne et cette disposition est aujourd'hui caduque. Puisque l'autonomie du Canada face à l'Empire britannique ne s'est pas accompagnée d'une refonte en profondeur du texte de la constitution canadienne, rien n'a été expressément prévu concernant le droit des traités au sein de la fédération canadienne. Le droit constitutionnel touchant les traités internationaux est donc Ie fruit de la tradition du «constitutionnalisme organique» canadien. Cette thèse examine donc ce type de constitutionnalisme à travers le cas particulier du droit constitutionnel canadien relatif aux traités internationaux. Elle examine ce sujet tout en approfondissant les conséquences juridiques du principe constitutionnel du fédéralisme reconnu par la Cour suprême du Canada dans le Renvoi relatif à la sécession du Québec, [1998] 2 R.C.S. 217. De manière plus spécifique, cette thèse analyse en détail l’affaire Canada (P.G.) c. Ontario (P. G.), [1937] A.C. 326 (arrêt des conventions de travail) ou le Conseil prive a conclu que si l'exécutif fédéral peut signer et ratifier des traités au nom de l'État canadien, la mise en oeuvre de ces traités devra se faire - lorsqu'une modification législative est nécessaire à cet effet - par le palier législatif compétent sur la matière visée par l'obligation internationale. Le Conseil Prive ne spécifia toutefois pas dans cet arrêt qui a compétence pour conclure des traités relatifs aux matières de compétence provinciale. Cette thèse s'attaque donc à cette question. Elle défend la position selon laquelle aucun principe ou règle de droit constitutionnel canadien ou de droit international n'exige que l'exécutif fédéral ait un pouvoir plénier et exclusif sur la conclusion des traités. Elle souligne de plus que de très importants motifs de politique publique fondes notamment sur les impératifs d'expertise, de fonctionnalité institutionnelle et de démocratie militent à l’encontre d'un tel pouvoir fédéral plénier et exclusif. L'agencement institutionnel des différentes communautés existentielles présentes au Canada exige une telle décentralisation. Cette thèse démontre de plus que les provinces canadiennes sont les seules à posséder un pouvoir constitutionnel de conclure des traités portant sur des domaines relevant de leurs champs de compétence - pouvoir dont elles peuvent cependant déléguer l'exercice au gouvernement fédéral. Enfin, cette thèse analyse de manière systématique et approfondie les arguments invoques au soutien d'un renversement des principes établis par l'arrêt des conventions de travail en ce qui concerne la mise en oeuvre législative des traités relatifs à des matières provinciales et elle démontre leur absence de fondement juridique. Elle démontre par ailleurs que, compte tenu de l'ensemble des règles et principes constitutionnels qui sous-tendent et complètent le sens de cette décision, renverser l’arrêt des conventions de travail aurait pour effet concret de transformer l'ensemble de la fédération canadienne en état quasi unitaire car le Parlement pourrait alors envahir de manière permanente et exclusive l'ensemble des champs de compétence provinciaux. Cette conséquence est assurément interdite par le principe du fédéralisme constitutionnellement enchâssé. / The Constitution Act, 1867 contains no express provision on federal or provincial treaty-making powers. These powers were reserved to the Imperial government at the time when the Constitution Act, 1867 was adopted by the Imperial Parliament. The Constitution Act, 1867 also contained only one provision that dealt with the implementation of Imperial treaty obligations in the Canadian federation and that provision is now obsolete. Because Canada's gradual autonomy from the British Empire was not accompanied by a thorough modification of the text of the Canadian constitution, nothing has been expressly provided in relation to treaty powers in the Canadian federation. Canadian constitutional law dealing with treaty powers is therefore a pure product of the Canadian "organic constitutionalism" tradition. This thesis examines this form of constitutionalism through the specific case of the treaty powers in Canada. In particular, this study hopes to deepen our understanding of the multiple legal consequences of the constitutionally entrenched principle of federalism recognized by the Supreme Court of Canada in the Reference re Secession of Quebec, [1998] 2 S.C.R. 217. More specifically, the thesis presents an in-depth analysis of Canada (A. G.) v. Ontario (A.G.), [1937] A.C. 326 (the Labour Conventions case) where the Privy Council decided that the federal executive power could sign and ratify treaties in the name of Canada but that the implementation of treaty obligations - when legislative action is required - is the responsibility of the legislature that has jurisdiction over the obligations' subject-matters. The Privy Council did not specify, however, which institution(s) has the power to conclude treaties in relation to provincial subject-matters. This thesis tackles this problem. It is demonstrated in this thesis that no rule or principle of Canadian constitutional law nor of international law grants plenary and exclusive treaty-making powers to the federal executive. It highlights some very important policy reasons based on the needs for expertise, for institutional effectiveness and for respect for democracy not to recognize such plenary and exclusive treaty-making powers to the federal executive. The institutional arrangements necessary for the survival and flourishing of the diverse existential communities require that the federal executive does not possess such powers. It is moreover demonstrated that only provinces possess the constitutional powers to conclude treaties related to their subject-matters - the exercise of which powers may however be delegated to the federal government. Finally, the thesis presents a systematic and in-depth analysis of the arguments invoked in favour of reversing the rules set out in the Labour Conventions case in relation to legislative implementation of treaty obligations related to provincial subject-matters. It demonstrates that those arguments have no legal basis. Moreover, the thesis shows that because of the many underlying and interconnected constitutional rules and principles that support and give meaning to the Labour Conventions case, reversing that decision would have the concrete effect of transforming the Canadian federation into a quasi-unitary state because Parliament would thus be allowed to oust provinces from the entirety of their legislative jurisdiction. This consequence is most certainly prohibited by the federal principle entrenched in the Constitution.

Ce mémoire propose une étude jurisprudentielle de la compétence constitutionnelle que peut exceptionnellement faire valoir le Parlement en matière de relations de travail lorsque les activités d’une entreprise sont intimement liées à la compétence que détient le Parlement sur les Indiens. La présente étude a pour objet de circonscrire les critères permettant de déterminer laquelle, de la législation provinciale ou fédérale du travail, est applicable à un employeur dont les activités, la mission ou encore la gestion se rattachent à la spécificité autochtone. / This Master’s thesis proposes a jurisprudential study of the exceptional constitutional jurisdiction that Parliament may have over labour relations where the employer’s activities are intimately related to the jurisdiction of the Parliament over “Indians”. The main objective of this study is to identify the criteria to be used to determine whether provincial or federal labour legislation applies to an employer whose activities, mission or management relates in any way to Aboriginal specificity.

Malgré les difficultés que recèle la démarche visant à ériger un cadre juridique pour les pratiques liées à la bioéthique, à l’internet ou aux produits dangereux, les décideurs publics ont été contraints d’intervenir pour réguler ces pratiques. Ils n’ont d’ailleurs pas renoncé à élaborer des dispositions juridiques spécifiques. Mais l’étude systématique de ces dernières montre que pour parvenir à encadrer le développement de la technoscience les autorités publiques françaises comme les autorités publiques internationales ont opéré depuis les années 1970 des transformations nombreuses et parfois radicales des mécanismes juridiques qui constituent le soubassement des processus d’élaboration du droit.Il fut d’abord nécessaire de transformer l’organisation et le fonctionnement des instances publiques consultatives, de sorte de leur garantir une plus grande indépendance, d’étendre leur influence sur les groupes sociaux concernés et d’accroître leur capacité à coopérer. Il fallut également redéfinir la place de la rationalité scientifique dans les processus d’élaboration des textes juridiques et renforcer parallèlement l’exigence de prise en considération des opinions émanant des citoyens. Enfin, on dut accepter que les normes juridiques elles mêmes n’émergent des textes ainsi adoptés qu’à la faveur de recoupements et d’interprétations dépendants d’acteurs institutionnels relevant de différents ordres juridiques et étant plus ou moins libres de collaborer.Au total, même s’il est possible de rationaliser certaines étapes des processus décisionnels publics, l’émergence de la norme juridique demeure trop incertaine pour que l’on puisse y voir un bien comme les autres. / In spite of the difficulties inherent in trying to establish a legal framework for the practices linked to bioethics, the internet and dangerous substances, decision-makers have had to step in to regulate these practices. Indeed, they are continuing to devise specific legal measures. However, a systematic study of the said measures shows that to control techno scientific development, French and international authorities alike have, since the nineteen seventies, made numerous changes, sometimes extreme, to the legal mechanisms that constitute the foundations of the law-making process. First of all it was necessary to modify the organisation and workings of advisory bodies so as to guarantee more independence, greater their influence on the social groups concerned and increase their level of cooperation. Another crucial change was to redefine the status of scientific rationality in the elaboration of legal documents and at the same time reiterate the need to embrace citizens’ viewpoints. Finally, it had to be accepted that the legal norms themselves would reflect the interpretations of institutional parties from different legal systems with limited room for collaboration. All in all, even if it is possible to rationalise certain stages of the law-making process, the uncertainty surrounding the emergence of the legal norm is such that it cannot be likened to an end-product in the manufacturing process.

Submitted by Maicon Juliano Schmidt (maicons) on 2015-06-30T13:22:03Z No. of bitstreams: 1 Paulo Junior Trindade dos Santos.pdf: 3502323 bytes, checksum: 30604802d8651d8265f61cf37e1103fa (MD5) / Made available in DSpace on 2015-06-30T13:22:03Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 1 Paulo Junior Trindade dos Santos.pdf: 3502323 bytes, checksum: 30604802d8651d8265f61cf37e1103fa (MD5) Previous issue date: 2013-12-05 / Nenhuma / Tem-se como tema o Ativismo Judicial e a criação do Direito pela via Interpretativa. O problema que se demonstra reflete quanto o Poder Judiciário é legitimado para a criação de direito, uma vez que a produção de direito somente era cabível ao Poder Legislativo. Assim, avaliar-se-á a Estrutura e as Funções do Estado para que assim se justifique a atividade de criação judicial do Direito (sempre se atentando ao binômio inércia-ativismo). Neste sentido, é de crucial importância apresentar a transformação do Estado Liberal de Direito ao Estado Democrático de Direito, pois somente com a organização dos poderes do Estado Moderno é que se pode falar evidentemente em Ativismo Judicial. Na inércia dos demais Poderes, o Poder Judiciário apresentou presença ativa para com a sociedade e para com a construção e reconfiguração do aparelho Estatal. No primeiro capítulo será evidenciada a construção do Estado de Direito e seus pressupostos; no segundo capítulo, demonstrar-se-á, a rígida técnica da separação dos poderes que se instituiu no Estado Liberal e Social de Direito, e em um segundo momento apresentar-se-á a divisão dos poderes formada com o objetivo do poder de revisão dos órgãos judiciais sob os atos dos demais Poderes. Feito isso, segue-se com o que se refere ao fortalecimento da Jurisdição Constitucional, em que em um primeiro momento mostrar-se-á sua evolução, e em um segundo momento avaliar-se-á sua contemporaneidade frente ao Estado Democrático de Direito. E por fim, apresentar-se-á a defesa da sua Legitimação Democrática, esta sempre tão questionada. Na terceira e última parte, apresentar-se-ão os conceitos e fundamentos do Ativismo Judicial, haja vista, ser um termo que se apresenta indefinido e encontra diversas conceituações. O Ativismo Judicial ganha configuração de duas correntes distintas, quais sejam, a procedimentalista e a substancialista. Deste modo, defender-se-á o Ativismo Judicial Substancialista pela via da interpretação criadora do Direito, para que não se tenha uma interpretação autêntica do Direito. Para tanto, buscar-se-á demonstrar que, com uma Filosofia do Direito, com o auxílio da Hermenêutica Jurídica, é possível fazer a construção criativa do Direito por meio do Ativismo Judicial de forma mais adequada para com a criação do Direito. A fusão de dois horizontes, a Hermenêutica Jurídica e criação do Direito, pela via Judicial, ocorre na seguinte premissa: interpretar é aplicar, e aplicar é criar direito e, assim, justifica-se o presente trabalho. / The theme is the creation of Judicial Activism and the Law: through the Interpretative route. The problem that reflects demonstrates how the judiciary is legitimized for the creation of law, since the production of the law was only applicable to the legislative branch. Thus, the Structure and Functions of the State will be evaluated, so that appropriate activity for judicial creation of law (always paying attention to the binomial inertia-activism). In this sense, it is crucial to present the transformation of Liberal State of law to the Democratic State of Law, because only with the organization of the powers of the modern state we can speak clearly to Judicial Activism. On the inertia of the other branches, the judiciary had an active presence to society and to the construction and reconfiguration of the State apparatus.In the first chapter will be evidenced building of the State of Law and its assumptions, in the second chapter, will prove that the rigid technique of separation of powers was instituted in Liberal and Social State of Law, and in a second stage to present it will be the division of powers formed with the purpose of the power of judicial organs review under the actions of other branches. That done, it follows with regard to the strengthening of Constitutional Jurisdiction, in which at first it will prove its evolution, and in a second phase will be evaluated its contemporaryatic agaisnt Democratic State of Law. Finally, the defense of Democratic Legitimacy will present itself, always questioned. In the third and final section it will present the concepts and fundamentals of Judicial Activism, considering, be a term that is undefined and has found various conceptualizations. The Judicial Activism wins configuration of two distinct streams, namely, the proceduralist and substantialist. Thus, the Judicial Activism substantialist will defend itself, by means of creative interpretation of the law, so they do not have an authentic interpretation of the law. To do so, will seek to demonstrate that, with a philosophy of law, with the assistance of Legal Hermeneutics, you can make the creative construction of the Law through Judicial Activism most appropriate way for the creation of law. The fusion of two horizons, Legal Hermeneutics and creation of law, via Judicial, occurs in the following premise: to interpret is to apply, and apply it to create law and thus is justified in this paper

La Loi constitutionnelle de 1867 ne contient aucune disposition expresse concernant un quelconque pouvoir pour les gouvernements fédéral et provinciaux de conclure des traités internationaux - ce pouvoir étant réservé, à l'époque de l'adoption de la Loi constitutionnelle de 1867, au pouvoir impérial britannique. Aussi, une seule disposition prévoyait les modalités de mise en oeuvre des traités impériaux au sein de la fédération canadienne et cette disposition est aujourd'hui caduque. Puisque l'autonomie du Canada face à l'Empire britannique ne s'est pas accompagnée d'une refonte en profondeur du texte de la constitution canadienne, rien n'a été expressément prévu concernant le droit des traités au sein de la fédération canadienne. Le droit constitutionnel touchant les traités internationaux est donc Ie fruit de la tradition du «constitutionnalisme organique» canadien. Cette thèse examine donc ce type de constitutionnalisme à travers le cas particulier du droit constitutionnel canadien relatif aux traités internationaux. Elle examine ce sujet tout en approfondissant les conséquences juridiques du principe constitutionnel du fédéralisme reconnu par la Cour suprême du Canada dans le Renvoi relatif à la sécession du Québec, [1998] 2 R.C.S. 217. De manière plus spécifique, cette thèse analyse en détail l’affaire Canada (P.G.) c. Ontario (P. G.), [1937] A.C. 326 (arrêt des conventions de travail) ou le Conseil prive a conclu que si l'exécutif fédéral peut signer et ratifier des traités au nom de l'État canadien, la mise en oeuvre de ces traités devra se faire - lorsqu'une modification législative est nécessaire à cet effet - par le palier législatif compétent sur la matière visée par l'obligation internationale. Le Conseil Prive ne spécifia toutefois pas dans cet arrêt qui a compétence pour conclure des traités relatifs aux matières de compétence provinciale. Cette thèse s'attaque donc à cette question. Elle défend la position selon laquelle aucun principe ou règle de droit constitutionnel canadien ou de droit international n'exige que l'exécutif fédéral ait un pouvoir plénier et exclusif sur la conclusion des traités. Elle souligne de plus que de très importants motifs de politique publique fondes notamment sur les impératifs d'expertise, de fonctionnalité institutionnelle et de démocratie militent à l’encontre d'un tel pouvoir fédéral plénier et exclusif. L'agencement institutionnel des différentes communautés existentielles présentes au Canada exige une telle décentralisation. Cette thèse démontre de plus que les provinces canadiennes sont les seules à posséder un pouvoir constitutionnel de conclure des traités portant sur des domaines relevant de leurs champs de compétence - pouvoir dont elles peuvent cependant déléguer l'exercice au gouvernement fédéral. Enfin, cette thèse analyse de manière systématique et approfondie les arguments invoques au soutien d'un renversement des principes établis par l'arrêt des conventions de travail en ce qui concerne la mise en oeuvre législative des traités relatifs à des matières provinciales et elle démontre leur absence de fondement juridique. Elle démontre par ailleurs que, compte tenu de l'ensemble des règles et principes constitutionnels qui sous-tendent et complètent le sens de cette décision, renverser l’arrêt des conventions de travail aurait pour effet concret de transformer l'ensemble de la fédération canadienne en état quasi unitaire car le Parlement pourrait alors envahir de manière permanente et exclusive l'ensemble des champs de compétence provinciaux. Cette conséquence est assurément interdite par le principe du fédéralisme constitutionnellement enchâssé. / The Constitution Act, 1867 contains no express provision on federal or provincial treaty-making powers. These powers were reserved to the Imperial government at the time when the Constitution Act, 1867 was adopted by the Imperial Parliament. The Constitution Act, 1867 also contained only one provision that dealt with the implementation of Imperial treaty obligations in the Canadian federation and that provision is now obsolete. Because Canada's gradual autonomy from the British Empire was not accompanied by a thorough modification of the text of the Canadian constitution, nothing has been expressly provided in relation to treaty powers in the Canadian federation. Canadian constitutional law dealing with treaty powers is therefore a pure product of the Canadian "organic constitutionalism" tradition. This thesis examines this form of constitutionalism through the specific case of the treaty powers in Canada. In particular, this study hopes to deepen our understanding of the multiple legal consequences of the constitutionally entrenched principle of federalism recognized by the Supreme Court of Canada in the Reference re Secession of Quebec, [1998] 2 S.C.R. 217. More specifically, the thesis presents an in-depth analysis of Canada (A. G.) v. Ontario (A.G.), [1937] A.C. 326 (the Labour Conventions case) where the Privy Council decided that the federal executive power could sign and ratify treaties in the name of Canada but that the implementation of treaty obligations - when legislative action is required - is the responsibility of the legislature that has jurisdiction over the obligations' subject-matters. The Privy Council did not specify, however, which institution(s) has the power to conclude treaties in relation to provincial subject-matters. This thesis tackles this problem. It is demonstrated in this thesis that no rule or principle of Canadian constitutional law nor of international law grants plenary and exclusive treaty-making powers to the federal executive. It highlights some very important policy reasons based on the needs for expertise, for institutional effectiveness and for respect for democracy not to recognize such plenary and exclusive treaty-making powers to the federal executive. The institutional arrangements necessary for the survival and flourishing of the diverse existential communities require that the federal executive does not possess such powers. It is moreover demonstrated that only provinces possess the constitutional powers to conclude treaties related to their subject-matters - the exercise of which powers may however be delegated to the federal government. Finally, the thesis presents a systematic and in-depth analysis of the arguments invoked in favour of reversing the rules set out in the Labour Conventions case in relation to legislative implementation of treaty obligations related to provincial subject-matters. It demonstrates that those arguments have no legal basis. Moreover, the thesis shows that because of the many underlying and interconnected constitutional rules and principles that support and give meaning to the Labour Conventions case, reversing that decision would have the concrete effect of transforming the Canadian federation into a quasi-unitary state because Parliament would thus be allowed to oust provinces from the entirety of their legislative jurisdiction. This consequence is most certainly prohibited by the federal principle entrenched in the Constitution.

The diploma thesis deals with a one-tier (monistic) board structure of a European company (Societas Europaea) which has its registered seat in the Czech Republic. The governance of a European company is largely dependent on the national legislation, which has been in the Czech Republic significantly amended by a substantial recodification of private law. The thesis focuses on some of the interpretative difficulties that the new legislation has brought to the regulation of the monistic European Company, and presents some possible solutions thereto. In addition the statistical overview over the current state of European companies within Europe is included and commented upon. Powered by TCPDF (www.tcpdf.org)

Monistic organizational structure of a Czech join-stock company after recodification of private law Traditionally, the only board structure available for national joint-stock companies under the laws of the Czech Republic was two-tier model based on strict division of corporate governance functions between two separate boards. With the effect as of January 1st 2014, new Business Corporations Act no. 90/2012 Coll. ("Act") has introduced alternative statutory framework for one-tier board structure for join-stock companies which have its seat in the Czech Republic and thus are governed by the Czech laws. The Act made it possible for shareholders to choose between both models of board structures as what they deemed would fit best the purpose of their business. In this narrow sense the addition may have been looked at as praiseworthy. However the imperfect implementation of one-tier model of corporate governance into Czech law has raised serious interpretational issues which may effectively render this model unacceptable for adoption because the division of powers between the board of directors and general manager remains unclear. The main purpose of my thesis is to address this issue by clarifying the scope of powers which are vested by the law in the board of directors and general manager of the...

The thesis is focused on the question of how responsibilities for the performance of public functions are assigned to levels or spheres of government. The term "public function" refers to the activities performed by governments in order to satisfy identified community needs. There is a paucity of validated knowledge concerning the particular phenomenon, and the purpose of the study is to make a research based contribution in this connection. Because of the exploratory nature of the study particular attention is paid to the orientation of the research in Public Administration terms, as well as to research design. A study of the assignment of responsibilities in a selection of foreign countries was undertaken, and the findings are recorded and evaluated. The conclusion reached is that in none of the countries studied a clear, comprehensive demarcation of governmental responsibilities has been achieved. Regarding South Africa, the thesis encompasses a historical overview, followed by separate analytical examinations of the arrangements set in place by the 1993 ("interim") and the 1996 ("final") Constitutions. In the pre-democratic era (1910 to 1994), ideological considerations patently played a prominent role. The treatment of the assignment question by the 1993 Constitution is found to have had substantial shortcomings, especially with regard to conceptual and technical aspects, the realisation of assignment principles, and the substance of assigned responsibilities. In the author's opinion a satisfactory deployment of responsibilities was not achieved. The 1996 Constitution improved the assignment scheme, notably through the better realisation of assignment principles, the introduction of exclusive powers for the provinces, and in dealing with the municipal domain. However, the 1996 Constitution also did not achieve a credible and clear-cut assignment of responsibilities. In assessing the degree to which a scientific approach to the assignment question is in evidence, the finding is that such an approach has not been established. A theoretical assignment model, following a Public Administration approach, is then presented. The model covers language, classification, assignment principles, and methodology. The thesis concludes with a reflection on the research, as well as on the practicalities of achieving improvement in the assignment of responsibilities. / Public Administration / D. Litt. et Phil. (Public Administration)

The thesis is focused on the question of how responsibilities for the performance of public functions are assigned to levels or spheres of government. The term "public function" refers to the activities performed by governments in order to satisfy identified community needs. There is a paucity of validated knowledge concerning the particular phenomenon, and the purpose of the study is to make a research based contribution in this connection. Because of the exploratory nature of the study particular attention is paid to the orientation of the research in Public Administration terms, as well as to research design. A study of the assignment of responsibilities in a selection of foreign countries was undertaken, and the findings are recorded and evaluated. The conclusion reached is that in none of the countries studied a clear, comprehensive demarcation of governmental responsibilities has been achieved. Regarding South Africa, the thesis encompasses a historical overview, followed by separate analytical examinations of the arrangements set in place by the 1993 ("interim") and the 1996 ("final") Constitutions. In the pre-democratic era (1910 to 1994), ideological considerations patently played a prominent role. The treatment of the assignment question by the 1993 Constitution is found to have had substantial shortcomings, especially with regard to conceptual and technical aspects, the realisation of assignment principles, and the substance of assigned responsibilities. In the author's opinion a satisfactory deployment of responsibilities was not achieved. The 1996 Constitution improved the assignment scheme, notably through the better realisation of assignment principles, the introduction of exclusive powers for the provinces, and in dealing with the municipal domain. However, the 1996 Constitution also did not achieve a credible and clear-cut assignment of responsibilities. In assessing the degree to which a scientific approach to the assignment question is in evidence, the finding is that such an approach has not been established. A theoretical assignment model, following a Public Administration approach, is then presented. The model covers language, classification, assignment principles, and methodology. The thesis concludes with a reflection on the research, as well as on the practicalities of achieving improvement in the assignment of responsibilities. / Public Administration and Management / D. Litt. et Phil. (Public Administration)