Orientador: Valquiria G. Domingues Leão Rego / Tese (doutorado) - Universidade Estadual de Campinas, Instituto de Filosofia e Ciencias Humanas / Made available in DSpace on 2018-08-07T08:20:44Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 1 Queiroz_JoseBenevides_D.pdf: 4325281 bytes, checksum: 53789a1a90dc6df393733271bcbb7f22 (MD5) Previous issue date: 2006 / Resumo: Em sua obra, Durkheim nunca estudou especificamente a economia. Esta e o pensamento econômico só apareceram como pano de fundo ou foram mencionadas en passant. Contudo, isto não o impediu de elaborar análises sobre o estado da economia de sua época e nem muito menos apontar soluções para a mesma. A presente tese tem como objetivo sistematizar e desvelar o pensamento econômico do sociólogo francês, bem como analisar a validade de suas propostas para superar o estado de anomia em que a economia se encontrava. Para isto, partiu-se da hipótese de que, com sua reflexão, Durkheim buscou (re)moralizar a economia / Abstract: ln his work, Durkheim never studied the economy specifically. This economy and the economic thought only appeared as a backdrop or were mentioned en passant. However, that did not stop him from elaborating analyses on the state of the economy of his time or from pointing solutions to it. The present thesis aims to systematize and show the French sociologist's economical thought, as well as to analyze that validity of his proposals to overcome the state of anomie in which the economy was. For that, one assumes that with his reflection, Durkheim sought to (re)moralize the economy / Doutorado / Doutor em Ciências Sociais

Orientador: Renato José Pinto Ortiz / Dissertação (mestrado) - Universidade Estadual de Campinas, Instituto de Filosofia e Ciências Humanas / Made available in DSpace on 2018-08-27T08:03:38Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 1 Fabien_Jean_M.pdf: 2466415 bytes, checksum: 8f9d1833468fcd9073853dec6d9dcae8 (MD5) Previous issue date: 2015 / Resumo: Esse trabalho tem como objetivo comparar Durkheim e Weber, os quais representam figuras emblemáticas nos estudos das sociedades ocidentais modernas, na tentativa de aproximar suas teorias sociológicas à religião. Procuramos destacar, a partir dos estudos epistemológicos e metodológicos deles, alguns elementos que podem nos levar a destacar pontos convergentes e divergentes, tentando explorá-los para ressaltar certa aproximação. Para tanto, no primeiro capítulo expomos uma comparação entre religião e magia, levando em conta noções como sacrifício, culto e rito. Essa comparação tem como objetivo mostrar, de um lado, que em Durkheim ambas são fenômenos sociais e que, por outro lado, em Weber a religião se revela mais racional do que a magia, considerada como uma atividade irracional. Portanto, esse capítulo seria uma articulação em torno da natureza social e racional da religião em relação à natureza social e irracional da magia. Já no segundo capítulo buscamos entender melhor, segundo as concepções durkheimiana e weberiana, o sentido da relação que o indivíduo mantém com os seres espirituais objetos de culto, como Alma, Deus e Espírito, para então delimitar o papel desempenhado pelo sagrado na socialização. Por fim, no terceiro capítulo retomamos o debate, ao mesmo tempo velho e atual, sobre as relações complexas entre religião e política. Nesse sentido, mostramos como em Durkheim o caráter indiferenciado desses dois elementos se incorpora e se funde no conceito de religião civil, enquanto em Weber sua diferenciação mais ou menos radical nos leva à sua sociologia da dominação. Com isso buscamos analisar até que ponto a religião e a política podem se influenciar e interagir reciprocamente, mesmo quando elas se opõem. Dessa forma, esse estudo comparativo trata de alguns temas comuns a Durkheim e Weber, mas essencialmente importantes para a sociologia da religião / Abstract: This work, pursuing a very ambitious goal to compare Durkheim and Weber, try to reconcile the two theories of the sociology of religion as they represent the leading figures in the advent of modern Western societies. It seeks to highlight, starting from their epistemological and methodological studies, elements that show us what is convergent and divergent, while trying to exploit them to find an approximation. In order to develop this idea, in the first chapter there is a comparison between religion and magic, taking into account concepts such as sacrifice, worship and ritual. The objective of this comparison is, on one hand, to show that both in Durkheim are a social phenomenon, and, on the other hand, in Weber religion is more rational than the magic considered as an irrational activity. So, this chapter is a joint around the social and rational nature of religion in relation to social and irrational nature of magic. The second seeks to understand better, according to Durkheim and Weber's designs, the meaning of the relationship the individual has with the spiritual beings objects of worship, such as Soul, God and Spirit, as well as to determine the role played by the sacred in the socialization. Finally, the third chapter resumes the debate, in the same time old and current, on the complex relationship between religion and politics. By comparing, we will try to emphasize, first in Durkheim, their indiscriminate nature that incorporates and merges the concept of civil religion, then in Weber, their differentiation more or less radical which is rooted in its sociology of domination. In this sense, we will see through these two leading sociologists extent how religion and politics can influence each other and interact, even if they disagree. Thus, this comparative study discusses some common themes between Durkheim and Weber, which are essentially important for the sociology of religion / Mestrado / Sociologia / Mestre em Sociologia

What do religions do and how do they do it? In The Elementary Forms of Religious Life, Émile Durkheim claims that religions are “grounded in and express the real” and center upon a set of ritualized practices that enact and embody in a distinctively intense and potentially transformative form the truth regarding the constitutive relations in which we stand to one another. With the help of Heidegger’s account in “The Origin of the Work of Art” of the way in which works of art work, along with Kierkegaard’s relational account of the health and sickness of the self in The Sickness Unto Death, I attempt in this dissertation to develop an improved version of the basic Durkheimian picture. The central claim is that religious practices are in the game of cultivating and actively integrating the fundamental relationships upon which our being as persons in a most radical and literal sense depends. Where successful, the heightened modes of relationality enacted in such practices transform us into more active, vital, and unalienated agents capable of tackling the concrete normative situations in which we lead our lives. For these reasons, I argue that religious practices aren’t going and shouldn’t go anywhere. If anything, we have grounds for leaning into them more if we hope to develop the existential resources to tackle the various forms of relational breakdown that constitute the true ground of the problem of “disenchantment” and with which our alienated, lonely, and unjust world is saturated.

This thesis discusses the philosophy of positivism in nineteenth century France. Based on an empirical vision of society, positivism advocated values of rationality, progress, and secularization. In that way, it stood as one of the defining systems of thought of the modern era. I discuss, however, an undercurrent of anxiety about those same values. Positivism's founder, Auguste Comte, argued that all sciences would become unified and organized under universal principles and empirical standards. He viewed the human mind as becoming more rationalized throughout history. In his later career, however, he argued that rationalism was a destructive force and that a new form of secular religion as necessary to establish morality and order. I argue that this transition from science to religion represents an underlying anxiety of the nineteenth century. Intellectuals from different sides of the political spectrum viewed progress as positive, but also limited. They argued that something beyond science, in the realm of the religious, the metaphysical, or the subjective, was necessary for society. They expressed these concerns through the language of gender. Comte argued that women would be at the center of his religion. They would socialize and moralize men, making them part of a new unified, pacifist and orderly social whole. I also discuss two later intellectuals, social psychologist Gustave Le Bon and pioneering sociologist Emile Durkheim. Le Bon represented the fin-de-siecle rejection of positivism. He began with positivist principles, but later argued that humanity was irrational and violent. He viewed the modern masses as a powerful force which threatened to destroy civilization. The other figure, Durkheim, rejected Le Bon's form of nationalist right-wing thought and formed theories of social harmony, altruism, and a solidarity. He sought to reconcile egalitarian republican principles with positivist science. Despite their diverging theories, however, Le Bon and Durkheim employed similar assumptions about modernity and gender. Le Bon argued that European men were superior, and that all other groups shared an undeveloped mentality. Durkheim argued that men were social while women were simpler and mentally limited. Their views, far from establishing an unproblematic hierarchy of gender and race, in fact expressed anxieties about the state of modernity. They identified women, the lower classes, and other societies with values of simplicity, unity, and tradition. They identified the modern, Western male individual with the problems of modern society: excessive rationalization, instability, and secularization. This sense of ambivalence about modernity reveals the central importance of positivism to understanding nineteenth century thought. Positivism sought to reconcile seemingly antithetical principles of order with progress, individualism with social unity, and morality with rationalization. In doing so, it established anxieties about the forces of change. Positivists advocated the most modern of principles, and sought to further the progress of civilization, but also identified those rationalized forces as problems in need of control. Positivism thus established its own undoing, which would come at the beginning of the twentieth century. In that era, intellectuals rejected purely scientific visions of the world in favor of subjective thought. I locate the origins of that rejection at the very foundations of positivist theory.

Made available in DSpace on 2016-04-26T20:20:58Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 1 Ana Helena Rodrigues Mellim.pdf: 493359 bytes, checksum: bc230e330cea7595ba0df1a53326a22c (MD5) Previous issue date: 2012-06-06 / Durkheim´s thought considers crime as a social fact, equipped with qualities as generality, social coercion and exteriority. Present in any society. In making its analysis, argues that crime has its importance in the evolution of society, when in normal standards. Finally, it's worth as a reaffirmation of social values, confirming the norm and ensuring social cohesion. In the wake of Durkheim's thought about the notion of cohesion and crime as a normal social fact, the Chicago School brings important contribution to Criminal Sociology, identifying crime as a fact, contrary to what preached criminological positivism, which related the commitment of crime with certain biological characteristics of the offender. The disenchantment with the classical theories, whether retributive or preventive, in view of their total practical failure to address the growing crime, left the sentence as having only a remnant according to the symbolic, to reaffirm the rule and social order, at the expense, often the "scapegoat", as has been happening in recent years in Brazil, with enactment of laws purely symbolic. It is thus possible to recognize the thought of Durkheim in modern criminal functionalism and even its inffluence in criminal law of the Enemy / O pensamento de Durkheim considera o crime como fato social normal, dotado de generalidade, coerção social e exterioridade. Presente em toda e qualquer sociedade. Ao proceder à sua análise, sustenta que o crime tem sua importância na evolução da sociedade, quando em taxas e em números normais. Por fim, trata da pena como reafirmação dos valores sociais, confirmando a norma e garantindo a coesão social. Na esteira do pensamento de Durkheim acerca da noção de coesão e crime enquanto fato social normal, a Escola de Chicago traz importante contribuição para a Sociologia Criminal, ao identificar o crime enquanto fato, ao contrário do que pregava o positivismo criminológico, que relacionava o crime com certas características biológicas do infrator. O desencantamento com as teorias clássicas, quer retributivas, quer preventivas, tendo em vista seu total fracasso prático para fazer frente à crescente criminalidade, deixou à pena como possuindo única e remanescente função a simbólica, para reafirmar a norma e a ordem social, às custas, muitas vezes, de bodes expiatórios , como vem acontecendo nos últimos anos no Brasil, com edição de leis puramente simbólicas. É possível, assim, reconhecer o pensamento de Durkheim no funcionalismo penal moderno e até mesmo imaginar sua influência no chamado Direito Penal do Inimigo, última etapa do funcionalismo de Günther Jakobs

The theme of this thesis is suicide mortality in its various aspects, seen from an international, European perspective. It questions the existence of social (structural) concomitants to suicide mortality and investigates attitudes towards and legislation concerning suicide, as well as some historical processes pertaining to their development. Paper 1 replicates an authoritative study of the "correlates of suicide" on a national level in European countries. It shows that the findings of this study do not hold 16 years later, and it presents some ideas as to why these changes have taken place. It is suggested that there are no simple social correlates to suicide on this level, and that suicide rates tend to vary according to, among other things, international cultural influences. Paper 2 investigates penal legislation relating to suicide in European countries. Three types of punishable action are found: 1) aiding suicide, 2) abetting suicide, and 3) driving somebody to suicide. A majority of European countries include some of these acts in their criminal laws. However, the laws vary very widely between countries, thereby constituting a notable exception to the common presumption of uniformity of law. The scope of the criminalization and the severity of the penalties for the crimes covary both with cultural attitudes towards suicide and with suicide rates. The results are interpreted as indicating the existence of a cultural-normative system, consisting of the cultural attitudes towards suicide, the laws regulating the actions relating to suicide and, perhaps, religion. It influences the occurrence of suicide, mainly by offering individuals cultural models of behavior. Paper 3 describes the process towards the decriminalization of suicide (in 1864) in Sweden, its causes and consequences. It is suggested that the law change took place because of a) the international ideological currents of the time (the heritage of the Enlightenment), b) the examples presented by other European countries, and c) the radical changes in people's behavior. The reform was long overdue, and thus did not have a direct effect on suicide mortality. The increase in Swedish suicide rates in the 19th century is seen as connected with certain aspects of the "modernization" process. Paper 4 addresses the prospects and problems connected with the ap-plication of Talcott Parsons's functionalist theory to suicide research, in particular when contrasting it with Durkheim's theory. It is found that the latter, despite its shortcomings, still dominates socially oriented suicide research. Parsons's theory is seen as implicating the cultural primacy of suicide mortality. Its general usability is, however, highly uncertain since many of its essential constituent parts are not well suited to the subject. A model for suicide rates, consisting of cultural (domestic and inter-national), political, social, diffusion and availability factors is presented. Taken together, the papers constitute a case for cultural (as opposed to socio-structural) research into suicide mortality. They question the repeated testing of structural variables in favor of creating cultural indicators. They suggest some new lines of research, and call for a consistently universal perspective on the problem of suicide and suicide mortality. / <p>Härtill fyra uppsatser.</p>

Much is unknown about insular communities as they are often closed and guarded. This is especially so when it comes to crimes committed in their midst. Online forums geared to community members can reveal the discussions they have following a crime and the thoughts and feelings of the group. Using a functionalist approach, this study fills a gap in the literature on crimes committed in insular communities by and against community members by asking: what topics of discussion arose for Orthodox Jewish community members following a crime in their midst and were community members united or divided in their discussions? More explicitly, the sociological importance of what they discussed and how this affected community cohesion was examined. To address these questions, the comments following articles about a murder committed in an Orthodox Jewish community in New York on two Orthodox Jewish news websites (Yeshiva World News and Vos Iz Neias) were examined. Qualitative thematic analysis was used to examine how community members reacted to the murder through the discussions they had and whether these discussions affected and reflected community cohesion. Implications for better understanding crime in insular communities are discussed, as are directions for future research.

Durkheim’s socioeconomic hypothesis of suicide has been a popular theory to test for sociologists. However the results have been mixed, offering very little cumulative sociological knowledge. Previous theory and research have found that there are contradictory results in the direction of the income regression coefficients used to study the relationship between income and suicide rates depending on if a time-series or a cross-sectional approach has been used. It has been hypothesised that the contradictory results are caused by a specification bias, namely failing to account for lagged income, which is influencing the direction of the regression coefficients. The aim of this study is to investigate the effect of income on the Swedish municipalities’ suicide rates by replicating a study published in The American Journal of Sociology by Carl B. Barnes from 1975, in which he argued that the effect of income on the suicide rate is always negative. This cross-sectional analysis is based on municipality data on male, female and overall suicide in 2002 to 2004 from the Swedish Centre for National Prevention of Suicide and Mental Ill-Health at Karolinska Institutet among the working-age population (25-64 years). Control variables are the hypothesised lagged variable causing the specification bias, education, and three other possible contributing factors to suicide; unemployment, alcohol consumption and divorce. The results of the correlation and regression coefficients show that there is a negative effect of income on suicide for those aged 25 to 64 years when the other variables are held constant for both sexes; however the male results are not statistically significant. These results speak against the socioeconomic hypothesis of suicide, but generally confirm earlier findings of a negative relationship between median income and suicide. Low education is positively related to the suicide rate for males but there is no such relationship for female suicide. The findings also confirm alcohol consumption as an important factor in explaining the suicide rate. Unemployment and divorce show mixed results for the male and female suicide rates. The female unemployment rates are negatively related to suicide while male unemployment rates are not significant, on the other hand the divorce rates show a strong positive association with the female suicide rate and a negative association with the male suicide rate.

Thèse (de maîtrise)--Université Laval, 2003. / Titre de l'écran-titre (visionné le 29 novembre 2004). Bibliogr. Présenté aussi en version papier.

This thesis examines the extent to which Ibn Khaldun can legitimately be considered a founding father of sociology. To pursue this research, Khaldun's theoretical framework will be compared with four Western scholars: Auguste Comte, Emile Durkheim, Giambattista Vico, and Ludwig Gumplowicz. This paper begins with an Introduction (Chapter I), followed by a general overview of Khaldun's work (Chapter II). Next, Khaldun's work is compared to that of Auguste Comte (Chapter III), Emile Durkheim (Chapter IV), Ludwig Gumplowicz (Chapter V) and Giambattista Vico (Chapter VI). In each of these chapters, Khaldun is compared and contrasted to the other social theorist, illustrating their similarities and considering their differences. Finally, in Chapter VII, I put forth conclusions that consider the extent to which Khaldun can validly be considered a founding father of sociology.