日本的經濟外交政策屬於外交政策的一環，但也由於其牽涉到使用經濟手段而有了特殊性，亦即必須在國際格局之外，兼顧國內政治經濟的環境變動因素，因此本文試圖從日本的國內政經聯盟變化，包含政黨、官僚、財界等所組成之鐵三角及民間社會因素的開放性多元互動，去探討其對外經濟外交政策演變之影響。本文從比較政治經濟途徑切入具體的研究個案，以日本對中國之有償日圓借款於1979年的開始至2005年決議結束這兩個時間點觀察，突顯出經濟外交政策乃受到國內政經環境的影響，而「國家」以外的「社會」因素又如何能夠在這兩個時間點，藉由各種和政黨或官僚之聯盟關係影響政策之演變。本文透過質量化方法研究發現，當政經聯盟的主要行動者間有足夠之共同利益時，將會尋求結盟但不打破鐵三角的方式產出有利的政策結果，而對中有償借款之結束，恰是財界角色的誘因從開始的強力運作到後來轉為逐漸淡出，再加上民意相對於開始時產生的巨大反差，使得在這兩個時間點有著截然不同的政策產出結果，亦即該政策的變化被「利益」和「民意」兩項決定性因素所交叉影響著。

This diploma thesis deals with Czech economic diplomacy as an instrument or rather tool of the foreign policy of the Czech Republic to promote its economic interests and goals in the People´s Republic of China. Specifically, it deals with the state pro-export policy and state support of small and medium enterprises (SMEs) in the process of entering Chinese market. The thesis is divided into three chapters. The first chapter explores the concept of economic diplomacy and the models of the governance of economic diplomacy in the world as well as in the Czech Republic. The second chapter focuses on the realization of the Czech economic diplomacy in China, analyzes the Czech-Chinese foreign trade and the development of political and diplomatic relations between the two countries. The third chapter is devoted to the SMEs and their penetration of the Chinese market. It explains the importance of the SMEs to the Czech economy and export and defines the phases of the penetration. In this chapter, the author examines how the state supports the SMEs entering the Chinese market and whether this support covers all phases of this complex process. Finally, the author explains why SMEs are not satisfied with the state support of export and outlines possible solutions.

In Germany so-called three pillar system of export support has developed over the centuries. The Czech-German Chamber of Commerce and Industry is a part of the Foreign Chambers of Commerce, which is one of the key institutions of the system. It has become, over more than 20 years of its operation, the most important bilateral chamber of commerce in the Czech Republic. Institutions that are participating in the system of export support are encouraging elimination of obstacles, which are preventing entrepreneurs in their expansion to foreign markets. By offering of counseling and analytical services, the Czech-German Chamber of Commerce and Industry aims small businessmen, and tries to minimize the obstacles of their participation on the Czech-German economic exchange. By using the foundations of institutional economy and with the help of sources and literature defines this thesis the placement of the Czech-German Chamber of Commerce and Industry in the German system of export support. Alongside, it tries to prove the key position of the Chamber in the system of export support by analyzing competence, organizational structure and suggested services of other actors that are involved in the system of export support.

European Union faced several external challenges in the beginning of the 21st century. Its enlargement to 24 member states led to a state of dissimilar and not well interconnected economies in need of a new model of external competitiveness. Finding the model and, more importantly, delivering it on community level, was a new task of the European Commission, especially after re-launch of the Lisbon strategy in 2005. Yet, there was another challenge for EU that was not so easy to address by the Commission: the relative weakening of EU's external economic action comparing to new increasingly assertive policies of other international players, especially BRICs. Was it possible for the Commission focus only on supporting EU competitiveness without any external action, as was expected by articles of the Treaty of Nice? As the thesis argues, indeed there was an external action of the Commission before the Lisbon treaty, through its public support of SME internationalization within the Competitiveness and Innovation Framework Programme (CIP). A neoinstitutional analysis of the issues on two levels is carried out: Firstly on the level of European institutions (motives, relevant contexts and institutional rules), secondly, on the level of secondary actors (SMEs, NGOs, CIP executive agency EACI), where the...

La Seconde Guerre mondiale avait complétement interrompu les échanges entre la France et le Pérou. En revanche, au cours des Trente Glorieuses, la France réussit à rétablir une position appréciable au sein de l’économie péruvienne. Grâce à une diplomatie économique active et un engagement diversifié des entreprises privées et publiques, la France devint un partenaire notable de la coopération technique. Ce pays joua un rôle important dans les programmes d’industrialisation et de modernisation du Pérou. Cette thèse s’interroge sur l’évolution et la structure des relations économiques franco-péruviennes entre 1945 et 1975. L’étude se penche sur les échanges commerciaux ainsi que sur les domaines des échanges financiers, de l’industrie et de la coopération technique, combinant des analyses macro et micro-économiques. Il s’agira d’analyser les stratégies et performances des entreprises françaises au sein des grands projets au Pérou en considérant les succès et les limites de leurs engagements. Ainsi, la thèse présente une étude nuancée à propos d’un sujet jamais étudié auparavant et cherche à contribuer d’une manière novatrice aux recherches sur l’histoire des relations entre l’Europe et les pays latino-américains ainsi que sur les rapports Nord-Sud. / The Second World War had completely severed the relations between France and Peru. Throughout the Golden Age of Capitalism, however, France managed to re-establish a considerable position within the Peruvian economy. Thanks to an active economic diplomacy and the various efforts of private and public companies, France became a notable partner in technical cooperation and played, henceforth, an important role in the Peruvian programmes of industrialisation and modernisation. This thesis deals with the evolution and structure of the economic relations between France and Peru from 1945 to 1975. Combining macro- and microeconomic methods, it equally investigates the bilateral trade relations as well as the domains of finance, industry and technical cooperation. The study analyses the strategies and performances of French companies in Peruvian large-scale projects considering their successes as well as their limits. In this way, the thesis presents a nuanced view on a subject, which has never been studied before. It contributes in an innovative way to the research on the relations between Europe and Latin America and between the Global North and South.

當前主權國家仍是人民利益的最高集中表現，亦是人類歷史發展形成現代文明的主要標誌，這事實命題預告著主權國家的功能與地位，在國內與國際之間的中介重要性。概括地說，研究西方國家的理論與方法，構成了認知現代文明標準的途逕和框架，對於邁向現代化國家的參照體，實有具體的模仿對應。環顧國際社會，對於西方國家所建立的現代文明，具有潛在挑戰性或威脅性的最大變數應屬中共，即強調有「中國特色」的因素，在於中共與國際接軌的同時，亦是「麻煩製造者」的產生，特別是在冷戰後的中共所代表的意義與影響。 　　從兩極格局瓦解所開啟冷戰後的新歷史時期，中共益顯自信對於「時代問題」的預判。換言之，強調「經濟因素」在國際層面上，是主導國際政治格局未來發展的關鍵力量，憑藉著槓桿原理將國家由邊陲位置轉向至核心地位，在制高點透過規範機制予以設計出有利於中共的國際政治、經濟新秩序。而在國內層面上，「經濟因素」亦是共產主義理論再創新的活力源泉，專注於中共治理的主權國家內部範疇，並保證共產黨執政的最大績效與人民的滿意度。構成了當前中共以共產主義中國化的本質，卻採取西方國家的市場經濟制度，即在綜合國力逐漸提升之際，西方國家深信地認知「中共崛起」的相對意義，卻是「中國威脅論」的序幕開始。 　　本文運用「認知途逕」去分析中共的世界觀，據以觀察其對國際形勢的變遷，是由於中共內因作用的影響，來理解中共的對外思維，實係有別於西方國家的世界觀，此部分亦說明了雙方結構性矛盾之所在。特別是在冷戰後的中共，在國際政治格局轉換的期間，表現出對於國際機制積極參與者和建構者的旺盛企圖，譬如以國際政治權力和利益的水平分權化為原則的多極化格局推動，認知是中共朝向大國之林的外交奮鬥目標。又例如2001年中共成為「世界貿易組織」第143個會員國，代表著中共經濟地位的戰略轉變。這是在中共與西方國家互動行為的歷史經驗積累，所得到「實力政治」的總結，使得中共在冷戰後的整體表現更傾向是現實主義的維護者。 / The thesis contends that an understanding of the effective and significant intermediate role of sovereignty both in the national and international relations. Sovereignty is not only the most advanced development of collectivity, but also the reform process of the modern civilization. The importance of this research is brought into focus by recent changes in broader economic and social reform programmes, political decentralization and reforms in China. By 1978 China was ready for major shifts in political and economic policy. Hong Kong had become essential as a vital source of foreign exchange for the Chinese economy. In addition, the return of Hong Kong by Britain in 1997 and of Macau by Portugal in 1999 formally heralded the end of European extra-territoriality in China. 　　After the Cold War, China seems to be potentially regarded as a ‘trouble maker’ in western societies. Unlike Russia, with the emergency of Chinese historical assessment, strategic analysis, contingency planning and policy reformulation, China has adopted a gradualist part-privatization policy based on ‘the characteristics of Chinese nationalism’, slowly opening its economy to the global economy while resisting democratic political reform. The thesis examines whether the reform and pace of reform is shaped by the desire to avoid political and social unrest which could, potentially, threaten the harmony of the Chinese central apparatus. 　　In addition, China has succeeded in combining stability with political-economic change on the mainland. The thesis views the fact that China has drawn the increasing attention from international perspectives in the western world. With its confidence, Chinese government has predicted the epoch belonging to China in terms of the powerful economic growth at the turn of the century. Although the successful EU integration and such international factors as the strategic perceptions of the USA may partially determine the future of the configuration of world power, China has taken a special position on the establishment of diplomatic relations from marginal position up to the vital status. Moreover, by concentrating on the internal affairs within China, Chinese government could remain the authority and legitimacy of the communism party. Chinese communism party has adopted the western marketization (free marketing system), which is now implicit in the development of successful ‘China Rising’; meanwhile, it has the potential to be propelled by the powerful trends of globalization and policy reformulation transferred into the stage of ‘China Threatening’ in international relations. 　　In this study, the perceptive approach is the main research methodology in analyzing Chinese global perspective on the diplomatic development as well as the political economy and international diplomatic relations of transition in China. Clearly, this study includes an examination of the influence of the powerful economic growth on the reproduction of the communism party in China. With ‘backdoor privatization’ through opening up the economy and the encouragement of foreign direct investment and non-state owned enterprises in the form of township-and village-owned enterprises, the Chinese economy has undergone dramatic transformation during the past two decades. However, control remains firmly in the hands of the Chinese communist party. 　　The thesis concludes that, to broaden the horizon in the western community, after the Cold War, China has been active and proactive on the establishment of diplomatic relations with western countries, and China has a tendency to commit itself to the guardian of realism. For example, China became a party of the 143rd member in World Trade Organization (WTO) in 2001, which formally marked the milestone of the Chinese economic power in the world. These consistent changes have indicated that China embarked on its open policy and the western community evolved into the major economic and political force in the world.

21世紀是中國的世紀。自1978年改革開放以來，以漸進式的經濟改革政策成功發展出「具有中國特色的市場經濟」型態，使得經濟成長迅速。在2010年時，中國已經領先日本躍升為僅次於美國的世界第二大經濟體，累積雄厚經濟實力的中國，綜合國力迅速從亞洲崛起。隨著經濟力量、綜合國力的提升，中國在國際的地位也水漲船高，影響力日益升高，因此，中國在對各國的經濟外交運作上更具有著力度。 中國對非洲的經濟外交已經長達半個多世紀，從改革開放前的經濟無償援助關係，到改革開放後的雙方合資合作關係，再發展到現階段互利的「新型戰略夥伴」關係，中國以本身的經濟發展進程對非洲展開階段不同的經濟外交內容。 進入21世紀，崛起的中國需要更多的原物料、能源來維持經濟成長，而天然資源豐富、石油天然氣能源相繼被發掘的非洲，正是中國所需，加深中非經濟關係為中國本世紀要務之一，「中非合作論壇〈Forum on China – Africa Cooperation—FOCAC〉」基於這種背景下應運而生，透過論壇對話平台，中非關係在政治、能源和經貿關係上快速發展。同時，中國也認真落實歷屆論壇中對非洲所宣布的各项援助措施，因此，中國在非洲的影響大幅增強，中非關係更趨緊密。 另一方面，由於全球能源稀缺，西方大國也急於涉足非洲，密切的中非關係引來「中國威脅論」及「新殖民主義」的負面評論。“新非洲爭奪戰”在遙遠的非洲悄然掀起，也間接對全球國際關係產生了影響。 / The 21st century is the century of the Chinese. Since the reform in 1978, the progressive economic reform policy has successfully facilitated the development of the “Market economy with Chinese characteristics” model, thereby allowing the economy to achieve rapid growth. In 2010, China became the world’s second largest economy, ahead of Japan and second only to the United States. Having accumulated solid economic strength, China has increased its national strength and has soared in Asia. With this new economic power, combined with the increase in national strength, China’s international influence soared and its influence continues to increase. Therefore, China’s economic diplomacy in different countries has become more intense. China’s economic diplomacy in Africa has been progressed for over half a century. From the Aid for Debt Relief before the reform and opening-up, the joint venture partnership after the reform and opening-up, to the current mutually-benefiting development of the “new strategic partnership” relationship, China has launched economic diplomacy, the content of which has been carried out in different stages in connection with China’s own economic development process. In the 21st century, China has been the rise and is in need of more raw materials and energy to sustain its economic growth while Africa with abundant natural resources and natural gas energy being discovered is exactly what China is after. One of China’s priorities in this century is to deepen its economic relations with Africa. This background has led to the establishment of a platform for open talks: Forum on China-Africa Cooperation-FOCAC has undergone political, energy, and economic and trade relations with rapid development. Meanwhile, China has earnestly implemented the various assistance measures for Africa in the previous FOCAC sessions. Thus, China’s influence has intensified and China-Africa relations have become closer. On the other hand, due to the global energy scarcity, countries in power in the west have anxiously set food in Africa. The close relationship between China and Africa has led to negative comments such as the “China Threat Theory” and “New-colonialism. The “new scramble for Africa” has been quietly set off in Africa with an indirect impact on international relations.

Influence of non-state transnational actors on decision-making of sovereign states is one of the most important topics in the international relations discipline. Some academic approaches consider this influence as quite important. Others perceive it as only secondary. Economic actors are a specific case because they on one hand bring know-how, employment and economic growth. On the other hand, they decrease sovereignty of the host states. This thesis tries to uncover influence of the two strongest non-state transnational economic actors in the Czech Republic - German and Japanese Chambers of Commerce. The topic of lobbying of these actors in the case of lack of labor force in the Czech Republic was chosen because of its good empirics. The text also aims to test assumptions according to which bargaining power of such actors is influenced by geographical distance between the host state and home country of the transnational actor. This thesis also wants to address the general topic of influence of the transnational actors on states in the international relations, based on the findings of this case study.

The recent political conflict in Zimbabwe has attracted the attention of policymakers, academics and the media alike in the neighbouring countries of the region, across the African continent and internationally. While the story of an ageing African liberation hero turned dictator who, through autocratic rule, has governed his country and his people to the ground in order to maintain power is captivating, a key element of the fascination is the critical diplomatic role played by South Africa from 2000 onward. Foreign policy in post-apartheid South Africa on paper is driven by human rights and democracy, conflict prevention and conflict resolution through peaceful means, and the promotion of African interests in world affairs. However, after observing South Africa’s involvement in the Zimbabwe conflict between 2000 and 2009, South Africa’s foreign policy appears to be propelled more by African solidarity and sovereignty, anti-imperialism, and a softer interpretation of preventive diplomacy than its international counterparts. Thabo Mbeki’s preventive diplomacy toward Zimbabwe during his presidency was slow to produce results, lacked transparency and frustrated many, yet, when examined under a preventive diplomacy theoretical lens, Mbeki’s policy did eventually garner success through the signing of the Global Political Agreement (GPA) and the formation of an inclusive government in Zimbabwe. This dissertation examines the role of preventive diplomacy in South Africa’s foreign policy toward Zimbabwe under Mbeki’s leadership and determines the point at which South Africa switched from an approach of preventive diplomacy to one of conflict resolution and conflict management. The concept of ‘preventive diplomacy’ is often focused on government-to-government relations or the high level diplomacy of intergovernmental organizations such as the United Nations (UN). Multi-track diplomacy expands on this traditional interpretation and considers the preventive diplomacy contributions of a variety of non-state actors to the practice of conflict prevention. This dissertation uniquely moulds the preventive diplomacy theoretical framework of Michael Lund with Kumar Rupesinghe’s concept of multi-track diplomacy to form a more comprehensive illustration of the role of preventive diplomacy in the approach of multiple actors towards the Zimbabwe conflict. The more inclusive preventive diplomacy theoretical framework is then applied to the conflict in Zimbabwe between 2000 and 2009. Through the application of a preventive diplomacy framework which incorporates the concept of multi-track diplomacy it is then possible to observe the South African government’s preventive diplomacy approach toward Zimbabwe first between 2000 and 2007 and then as mandated by SADC between 2007 and 2009 and finally compare it with the diplomacy of multi-track actors such as the UN, Zimbabwe-based and South African-based civil society organizations, the Zimbabwean Diaspora, religious groups, and financial institutions. The examination of the larger role of preventive diplomacy in the Zimbabwe conflict situation leads to the understanding that each diplomatic effort is interlinked. Therefore the culminating event of the South African government’s preventive diplomacy approach in the Global Political Agreement could not have been achieved without the preventive diplomacy efforts of a multitude of actors who were also committed to preventing violence and finding a lasting solution to the conflict in Zimbabwe. / Dissertation (MA)--University of Pretoria, 2012. / Political Sciences / unrestricted

Depuis 2001 et la recomposition des équilibres de puissance, l'Inde s'affirme comme l'un des acteurs qui compte dans un espace international de plus en plus multipolaire. Les mouvements de fond actuels provoquent une redistribution de cette puissance imposant de nouvelles alliances et de nouveaux jeux de pouvoirs. L'Inde n'est pas étrangère à cette tendance et encore plus depuis l'arrivée au pouvoir, en 2014, de l'actuel Premier ministre, Narendra Modi. Ce dernier conduit une politique extérieure ambitieuse pour que son pays accède à un statut de puissance mondiale. C'est dans ce cadre que se pose notre problématique qui est de savoir dans quelle mesure la place de l'Afrique dans la politique étrangère indienne permet-elle justement à l'Inde de parvenir à se hisser à ce statut de puissance. Pour y répondre, cette thèse investigue trois directions. D'abord, la place de l'océan Indien dans la relation indo-africaine doit rendre compte du rôle de l'Afrique dans la volonté indienne de faire de cet océan un espace pacifique et sécurisé sur lequel l'Inde puisse être un acteur incontournable face à des acteurs politiques puissants et hétérogènes. Ensuite, cette thèse s'attache à déterminer le rôle que l'Afrique joue dans la volonté de l'Inde d'être une puissance ayant une capacité d'influence politique sur la scène internationale au travers des instances internationales, de ses relations bilatérales avec les États africains et de la diaspora indienne installée dans ces pays. Enfin, cette recherche de statut passe par le champ économique et la nécessaire évaluation de l'empreinte économique que l'Inde souhaite imprimer en Afrique pour mieux asseoir ses capacités d'influence. Cette étude doit permettre de donner un éclairage sur la politique extérieure indienne à l'heure où les États-Unis réévaluent leur implication dans l'océan Indien, où la Chine met en place la « One Belt, One Road » et où l'Inde et le Japon viennent de s'unir pour proposer un nouveau partenariat à l'Afrique. / Since 2001 and the reshuffling of the balance of power, India has become one of the influential actors in an increasingly multipolar international context. The current groundswells are reshuffling powers between Nations in shaping new alliances and new power games. India is, more than ever, involved in this trend since the current Prime Minister, Narendra Modi, came to power in 2014. He conducts an ambitious foreign policy as a means to make his country a global and respected power. The context of the issue detailed in this document is: to what extent does Africa's place in India's foreign policy enables India to reach this status of power? This thesis investigates the following three themes: Firstly, the Indian Ocean's place in the Indo-African relationship should reflect Africa's role in India's will to make the Indian Ocean region a peaceful and secured space in which India is a decisive player in front of powerful and heterogeneous political actors. Secondly, this thesis focuses on assessing Africa's role in India's initiatives to be an influential player on politics on the international agenda through international bodies, its bilateral relations with African states and the Indian diaspora settled down in these countries. Thirdly, India's search for that particular status goes through the economic area and the assessment of India's economic footprint in Africa to better establish its influence on that Continent. This study tries to shed the light on India's foreign policy while the United States are reassessing their involvement in the Indian Ocean, and while China is setting up its "One Belt, One Road" and India and Japan have just come together to propose a new partnership to Africa.