Revision of the author's Thesis (doctoral--Universität Koln) under the title: Nationale Organisationen und nationale Eliten des politischen Bürgertums in Deutschland. / Includes bibliographical references (p. [457]-501) and index.

Made available in DSpace on 2014-06-12T17:20:36Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 2 arquivo5889_1.pdf: 584796 bytes, checksum: df82b2a6947f624c406bfefa2c13f3be (MD5) license.txt: 1748 bytes, checksum: 8a4605be74aa9ea9d79846c1fba20a33 (MD5) Previous issue date: 2004 / A herança do Patrimonialismo português na mentalidade política das elites agrárias do Império brasileiro e nas duas primeiras décadas da Primeira República, é analisada a partir do embasamento teórico da dominação em Max Weber. Essa herança é identificada na configuração do Estado luso-brasileiro. Indica-se a forma pela qual houve a introjeção desse tipo de organização política no Brasil, assim como alguns traços e conseqüências da mentalidade patrimonialística à época e suas implicações para o anacronismo do desenvolvimento nacional. Destaca-se que as elites agrárias, comprometidas tão somente com a preservação do seu poder e riqueza, não seguiram o percurso histórico que conduzia grande parte das nações à época: a industrialização, visto que seus interesses prendiam-se à economia agro-exportadora, centrada em vários ciclos de exportação de produtos primários (açúcar, algodão, cacau, fumo, metais preciosos etc), desviando-se, pois, da linha de diversificação de bens primários, proposta pela Teoria da Base de Exportações, como alternativa para um desenvolvimento sustentado, como sinaliza NORTH (1955). Ao longo do desenvolvimento desses ciclos, não ocorreu a diversificação da economia e o aparecimento de outros setores com dinâmica própria, que seria um caminho para a industrialização, atividade que orientava o desenvolvimento de muitas nações, o que, historicamente, parecia indicar ser este o viés para a inserção na modernidade. A sociedade brasileira somente ingressa na Era Industrial em décadas mais recentes, posterior a 1930 e, principalmente, após a Segunda Guerra Mundial embora tal percurso não tenha trazido o desenvolvimento esperado. Assinala-se, então, que os produtos de exportação constituíram-se na base econômica da sociedade patrimonial e que, como as exportações não geraram um processo de diversificação, a economia brasileira conviveu com o atraso e a preservação de valores do passado. Em síntese, pode-se indicar como hipótese do presente trabalho, que a formação política das elites agrárias que dominaram o Brasil, do Império ao início da Primeira República, com fortes traços da herança patrimonialista, contribuiu para que estes segmentos elitistas adotassem atitudes políticas contrárias à modernização do país, o que sugere que o tipo de sociedade que foi criada, historicamente, exerceu papel determinante nos padrões de desenvolvimento econômico do Brasil

Coordenação de Aperfeiçoamento de Pessoal de Nível Superior / Esta dissertação procurou refletir sobre o processo de formação e reorganização do grupos políticos do Estado de Roraima, a partir do fenômeno clientelista, sobretudo buscou analisar no período proposto da criação do ex-Território Federal do Rio Branco (1943), as lutas das elites locais de se manterem no cenário político com poder de mando após essas mudanças que os colocaram temporariamente alijados das decisões políticas. Na outra parte os líderes da nova estrutura montada com o território, possibilitara a formação, consolidação e reorganização em um cenário futuro, cuja base foram forjadas durante o final da década de 1980, com o processo de redemocratização da política brasileira, em que a transformação do antigo território em Estado era uma realidade. E é nesse contexto que os grupos construíram suas bases de sustentação, cujo clientelismo reforçado por elementos como nepotismo, corrupção e impunidade típica da conjuntura jurídica e política brasileira alimentam a perpetuação dos grupos de interesses que continuam com o domínio político do Estado de Roraima. Por outro lado, o reflexo é uma maioria da população apática ao cotidiano das instituições políticas, e uma parcela que participa diretamente da clientela, cujas as benesses os atrelam em uma simbiose disforme ao poder público.

The French State, and political elites operating within it, have a long tradition of involvement in the production, management and even the control of language and culture. This has been - and remains - important in terms of the construction and definition of a State-led model of French identity. Against this background, the present thesis examines conceptions of French identity held by political elites, the agents of the State, in relation to language and cultural issues prominent on the policy-making agenda in the 1990s. The thesis specifically considers the possibility that elite visions of identity may be changing under the influence both of new approaches to French cultural policy-making introduced from the 1980s by the Socialists, and specifically the Ministry of Culture led by Jack Lang, and of a series of potentially destabilising challenges to French models of cultural policy and identity which have been debated in the 1990s. In order to examine these issues, the thesis takes three case studies, focusing on political debates in the public arena surrounding a number of language and cultural policy issues which have been perceived as symbols of French identity. The regulation and promotion of the French language, audiovisual broadcasting policy and the Internet are selected as case study areas, which reveal these perceptions, and point to anxieties about identity in the debates which surround them. Thus these debates are used as a means of reexamining contemporary elite perceptions of French identity. This examination is carried out through the close reading of contributions to the debates, made by political figures of significance in each case study area. The term 'political elites' is used in the sense of Pareto's definition (1935, in Parry, 1969, pp. 34,46) of the elite as a 'governing elite', composed of all political 'influentials', whether or not they act for the State, as part of a government, or indirectly as part of the wider polity, in opposition. The cases tudiesd emonstrateth at elite conceptions of identity in France of the 1990s, whilst disturbed by contemporary challenges to French cultural policy-making, did not change in any fundamental way. Instead, they illustrated a reversion to traditional, rigid conceptions of identity, rather than the welcoming of more dynamic and hybrid ones.

La sociographie des élites politiques au Mali reste un domaine très inexploré. Cette thèse se propose d’étudier lestrajectoires des élites parlementaires maliennes de 1992-2002. Elle s’est donnée pour ambition d’étudier le socialbackground des députés à partir de la sociologie politique des élites. Nous soutenons la thèse que le champpolitique malien est le fruit d’une hybridation politique issue de l’histoire précoloniale, coloniale et postcoloniale. Ainsi, la légitimité des députés est à la fois « traditionnelle » et « moderne », elle reposeprincipalement sur les ressources mobilisables par les parlementaires, à savoir l’origine sociale (familiale,territoriale) et la position dans la société malienne (statut social, profession, niveau d’études). Afin decompléter ce tableau politique de l’élite parlementaire malienne la thèse s’attache à mettre en lumière les« capacités de professionnalisation » des députés à transformer leurs propriétés sociales en ressources politiques.Pour cela l’analyse institutionnelle reste insuffisante pour rendre compte du recrutement de cette élite. Lecroisement de la sociologie des partis, des rôles, des réseaux met en exergue la politisation et laprofessionnalisation des députés. En analysant la réalité du multipartisme au Mali dans un contexte socioculturelet politique différent, cette recherche confirme les acquis de la sociologie politique d’une démocratisationsingulière. La compétition politique, si elle repose essentiellement sur les partis politiques, ne peut être suffisantepour expliquer ces processus de professionnalisation. Il faut aussi tenir compte d’autres acteurs « a-partisans »qui par des voies parallèles intériorisent ces codes du champ politique. / The Malian political elite's “sociography” remains unexplored. This thesis based on the elite's sociology, aims at studying the Malian parliamentary elites' careers from 1992 to 2012.Its goal is to study the MPS' social background.In this study we assert that the Malian political field is the result of a political hybridisation stemming from the pre-colonial, colonial and post-colonial History. This hybridisation also highlights the weight of lineage, the promotion of vote-catching opportunism of self-made men who constantly reshuffle the voters' registration card in the multiparty political regime of the post-dictatorial era. Thus, the MPS' legitimacy is akin to a dual legitimacy, both “traditional” and “modern”. This legitimacy lies mainly on the resources available for the members of parliament, namely the social background (family and territorial) and the position in Malian society (social status, occupation, level of education).In order to complete this political picture of the Malian parliamentary elite, we intend through this paper to stress the “professionalization abilities” of members of parliament to turn their social peculiarities (social background, social wealth) into political resources (electoral clientele).In order to achieve that, institutional analysis remains insufficient to account for the recruiting of that parliamentary elite. The blending of party sociology, occupations, roles (local or national) and networks underlines the political bias and professionalization of MPS. By analyzing the reality of multiparty in Mali in a different political and socio- cultural background, this research strengthens the concepts of political sociology linked to a peculiar democratic process. Political competition , which basically rests upon political parties, cannot suffice to account for this professionalization process. One must also consider other unbiased players who, through parallel channels, manage to adopt and interiorize the political field's codes.

Made available in DSpace on 2014-06-11T19:28:01Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 0 Previous issue date: 2009-05-21Bitstream added on 2014-06-13T20:36:49Z : No. of bitstreams: 1 freitasjunior_m_me_arafcl.pdf: 405016 bytes, checksum: b54c45043be9c3c5a37eace89b2110cc (MD5) / Coordenação de Aperfeiçoamento de Pessoal de Nível Superior (CAPES) / O presente trabalho estuda as transformações sofridas pelas elites econômicas e políticas paulistas durante o processo de reforma do Estado brasileiro ocorrido no período de 1990 a 2002. Busca-se entender a transformação sofrida pelo Estado Brasileiro desde 1980 até os dias atuais, a qual resultou na substituição do modelo desenvolvimentista para o liberalgerencial, as razões de sua crise e as conseqüências em relação aos atores sociais aqui estudados. Com base em um modelo que busca a intersecção entre os conceitos de classe dominante e elites, procura entender o comportamento dos dirigentes políticos no período e quais as razões que levaram às substituições ocorridas entre estas a partir de 1990, com a ascensão de um novo grupo político. Ainda, no que tange às elites econômicas, como a crise econômica dos anos 80 alterou a composição dessas elites, sendo os empresários ligados ao setor industrial substituídos por outros alinhados aos novos setores da economia que emergiram dos processos de reforma do Estado, entre os quais os de serviços, surgidos das privatizações e o financeiro. Apresenta ainda dados empíricos que apontam para a direção das hipóteses trabalhadas, auxiliando na visualização das transformações que se deseja demonstrar. Ao final, propõe a discussão acerca do modelo nacional-desenvolvimentista e de seu futuro enquanto ideologia na sociedade atual / The present work studies the transformation occurred by the economic elite and São Paulo State politics during the process of the Brazilian state reformation occurred on 1990 to 2002. We look for to understand the transformation occurred by the Brazilian State since 1980 until now, which resulted on the substitution of the developmental model to the managementliberal model, the reasons of its crisis and the consequences toward the social actors studied here. With basis in a model that searches the meeting point between the concepts of dominant class and elites, looking for to understand the behavior of the politics chairperson on the period and what reasons took to the occurred substitution between them since 1990, with the rising of a new politic group. Still, about the economics elites, with de economics crisis in the 80’s changed the composition of these elites, so the business men connected to the industrial housing substituted for others aligned to the new economy sectors that emerged from the process of the State reformation, between them there were the services, arise from the privatization, and the financial services. Still, this study presents empirical datum which point to the directions of the worked hypothesis, helping on the visualization of the transformation that is to be demonstrated. At last, it is proposed a discussion about the nationaldevelopmental model and its future as ideology in the present society

No description available.

The focus of this thesis is on elite members of the Chagga ethnic group. Originating from the fertile yet crowded slopes of Mount Kilimanjaro, this group is amongst the most entrepreneurial and best educated in Tanzania. In the literature on ethnicity, elites are usually understood as playing a key role in the imagining of ethnicities, while at the same time usually being venal and manipulating ethnicity for purely instrumental means. Yet this approach not only risks misrepresenting elites; it also clouds our understanding of ethnicity itself. This thesis interrogates themes of elites, politics and ethnicity through an examination of the trajectories of Chagga experience from the 1850s to the present. Any discussion of Chagga ethnicity must have at its centre place - the landscape of Kilimanjaro, and the kihamba banana garden. Ideas of Chagga ethnicity were shaped by how the very first European explorers and missionaries saw the landscape of the mountainside. This formed how the colonial Tanganyikan state treated the Chagga people, placing them in an advantageous position through education, and a wealthy one through the growing of coffee. In the 1950s, the Chagga ethnic group came under a single political leadership for the first time with the introduction of a Paramount Chief. This decade marked a period of Chagga nationalism. The role of intellectuals in the articulation and imagination of Chagga ethnicity is examined through two Chaggaauthored ethnohistories. After independence in 1961, the advantages of the colonial period placed Chagga elites in key roles in the new state. However, as Tanzania moved towards Julius Nyerere’s ujamaa socialism, the policies of the state began to clash with the more capitalist outlook of the Chagga elite. Nevertheless, through educational achievement and international migration, members of the Chagga elite were able to remain influential and powerful. As such, they were in an ideal position to take advantage of the political and economic liberalisation, even as new challenges emerged from within Kilimanjaro itself. The thesis concludes with an analysis of the role of ethnicity in the 2005 Presidential elections in Tanzania. This thesis makes a contribution to the literature on ethnicity in Africa by providing an account of elites that is more nuanced than in much of the existing literature. Even though Kilimanjaro saw one of the strongest manifestations of ethnic nationalism during the colonial period, Chagga elites contributed greatly to the nation-building project in postcolonial Tanzania. Tanzanian nationalism, however, did not destroy a Chagga identity, but rather enabled a new imagining of Chagga ethnicity which today continues to have a role and saliency within the Tanzanian nation.

Thesis advisor: Mary Ann Glynn / This dissertation examines the organizational appropriation and deployment of cultural resources and, in particular, cultural capital (Bourdieu & Passeron, 1977), i.e., “high status cultural signals used in cultural and social selection” (Lamont & Lareau, 1988: 164), in manners that account for broader social status dynamics and institutional pressures. I conduct three interrelated empirical studies, all situated in the context of the U.S. hotel industry, and particularly, the luxury market segment. Building from archival, interview, and observational data collected from multiple sources, the first study focuses on the industry level, examining sweeping changes in hotels over time (from 1790–2015) and linking them with shifts in broader socio-cultural sentiments; the second study examines how the luxury segment of the industry sought to maintain its high status by appealing to elite guests in the face of such changes; and the third study highlights the organizational level, examining how luxury hotels managed cultural resources to transform the meaning of luxury for guests and signal status in an age of egalitarianism. Taken together, the three studies offer insights on the cultural embeddedness of industries and especially, how macro-level processes (at the industry level) yield dominant cultural codes and, in turn, how micro-level processes (at the organizational level) deploy and contribute to legitimating those codes. My studies strengthen the theoretical connection between research on culture, status and market adaptation by integrating and extending applicable ideas from cultural sociology (DiMaggio, 1987; Hirsch, 1972; Swidler, 1986, 2001) and by illuminating these with empirical evidence to explain when, why, and how processes of cultural entrepreneurship are undertaken to enable change and adaptation to the market and to society. / Thesis (PhD) — Boston College, 2016. / Submitted to: Boston College. Carroll School of Management. / Discipline: Management and Organization.

International education has been practised by Siam/Thailand's elite classes since the late 19th century. However, studies of this practice are few and far between. This thesis investigates the practice of international education among Thailand's elites, examining international education as a strategy that is used to maintain or enhance an elite's status through the importation of deterritorialised cultural capital. This research employs in-depth semi-structured interviews of former international students, examining the logic and discourses behind the participants' decision to study overseas, their perceptions and practices while studying overseas, and how they deploy their new-found cultural capital upon their return to Thailand. These narratives are then analysed with respect to historical references outlining the ways in which Siamese/Thai elites have employed western-derived cultural capitals as status symbols in the past. It demonstrates a link between these historical engagements with western modernity to the contemporary practice of international education among Thailand's elite, influencing the participants' assumption of a hierarchy of culture, with western tertiary institutions seen as being automatically superior to Thai institutions. This study investigats the practice of international education as a strategy that has been influenced by the participant's family, notably through the schooling choices made for the participants by their parents. Participants who have been schooled overseas or at an international school demonstrated higher levels of ease with the Western other, enabling them to engage more closely with the 'source' of Western culture, allowing them to show greater nuance in their consumption of Western things and practices. Their schooling history placed them at an advantage to participants who have been schooled in the Thai educational system, whose narrative shows a more anxious, deliberative, and by-the-book approach to their engagement with western culture. This study confirms findings from previous studies into international practices. Specifically, it shows that narratives of openness to foreign others do not necessarily automatically indicate a cosmopolitan or globally reflexive world view, that these narratives need to be analysed within the context of the participants' frame of reference. In the case of this thesis, the participants' narratives of openness to foreign others and their valuing of international education prove to be a reproduction of a culturally hierarchical frame of reference, with roots in the unequal relationship between Siam/Thailand and western colonial powers. This frame of reference results in the west being perceived as the source of modernity and progress. Moreover, this thesis also expands upon previous research into deterritorialised cultural capital, broadening the concept by bringing attention to the nuance between high cultural capital participants, and very high cultural capital participants. This thesis also demonstrates how Thailand's intellectually bifurcated discourse of its relations to the west complicates the study of international education as a deterritorialised form of cultural capital. This finding demonstrates a need for an approach to deterritorialised cultural capital that is attuned to not just the nuances of a particular field's western lifestyle myth but also the nuances in how that myth was constructed.