In writing this thesis, I plotted where the streams of whiteness theory, life-writing theory and practice, and Daphne Marlatts novel <i>Ana Historic</i> converge. In the introduction, I outline the development of my own subjectivity, focusing on my identification with multiple ethnic communities, and on my racial and working class identity. My second chapter surveys current whiteness theories, accepting some and rejecting others, and drawing significantly upon theory that is accessible and personal, a decision that undoubtedly resulted because of my working class practicality. In this chapter, I conclude that whiteness and white solipsism (theoretically comparable to Simone de Beauvoirs challenge that masculinity as the neutral and positive gender renders femininity and other gendered constructions negative), actually envelope multiple identities, but argue that the way in which whiteness is experienced by those on its margins is often monolithic. In the third chapter, I investigate Marlatts biography and her life writing theory, arguing that her experience as a once immigrant foregrounds many issues relevant to the Canadian white identity, and that because her theory is so conscious of how identity is constructed, relying on fact and fiction, <i>Ana Historic</i> provides a portrait of white Canadian identity and the context in which that identity has been constructed. In Chapters 4 and 5, I apply the theories of life writing and whiteness to the characters of Ana, Ina, and Annie, challenging that their identities as colonizer, emigrant, and immigrant, respectively, illustrate the evolution resulting in the current white Canadian identity. Further, because Marlatt chooses these characters who occupy different positions in history, she shows her reader that contemporary Canadian white identity has grown out of colonial times, creating a continuum. The history out of which each of these women emerges is never contained because aspects of their identity carry forward into subsequent generations.

In writing this thesis, I plotted where the streams of whiteness theory, life-writing theory and practice, and Daphne Marlatts novel <i>Ana Historic</i> converge. In the introduction, I outline the development of my own subjectivity, focusing on my identification with multiple ethnic communities, and on my racial and working class identity. My second chapter surveys current whiteness theories, accepting some and rejecting others, and drawing significantly upon theory that is accessible and personal, a decision that undoubtedly resulted because of my working class practicality. In this chapter, I conclude that whiteness and white solipsism (theoretically comparable to Simone de Beauvoirs challenge that masculinity as the neutral and positive gender renders femininity and other gendered constructions negative), actually envelope multiple identities, but argue that the way in which whiteness is experienced by those on its margins is often monolithic. In the third chapter, I investigate Marlatts biography and her life writing theory, arguing that her experience as a once immigrant foregrounds many issues relevant to the Canadian white identity, and that because her theory is so conscious of how identity is constructed, relying on fact and fiction, <i>Ana Historic</i> provides a portrait of white Canadian identity and the context in which that identity has been constructed. In Chapters 4 and 5, I apply the theories of life writing and whiteness to the characters of Ana, Ina, and Annie, challenging that their identities as colonizer, emigrant, and immigrant, respectively, illustrate the evolution resulting in the current white Canadian identity. Further, because Marlatt chooses these characters who occupy different positions in history, she shows her reader that contemporary Canadian white identity has grown out of colonial times, creating a continuum. The history out of which each of these women emerges is never contained because aspects of their identity carry forward into subsequent generations.

Thesis (Ph. D.)--University of Wisconsin--Madison, 2001. / Includes bibliographical references (p. 164-173). University of Wisconsin, Madison login ID required. Also available on the Internet.

Over the years hundreds of thousands Lithuanian people found themselves far away from their native country because of various reasons. When Lithuania became a member of European Union in 2004, Europe’s open states’ frontiers activated Lithuanian people to migrate to the USA, Ireland, Great Britain, Sweden, Norway, Denmark, Germany and the West. Lithuanian emigrants and their children at all times getting into a different linguistic tone and sphere permanently or for a short period confront with many problems: emigrants’ adaptation and integration in the sphere of foreign countries keeping their nationally. Expression of successful migrants’ adaptation and integration is social involvement in new society. Polysemantic conception of social involvement is associated with political and civic awareness, involvement in economical, political, cultural and society life, development of ethnic culture and keeping the nationally. Herein scientific work it was tried to explore Lithuanians’ who live in Great Britain caliber as the factor of their cultural adaptation. The records of this research established that most Lithuanian migrants who live in England now belong to the emigratory surge which started after Lithuania became a member of European Union. These emigrants are looking for bigger emolument, better quality of life so they can be ascribed to economical emigrants. Most respondents are young and single (or they left their families in Lithuania), most of them finished vocational... [to full text]

Migrant workers in the developed countries remit part of their earnings to their families, relatives, and friends left behind in their old communities in the less developed countries. Remittances, as financial resources whether delivered in cash or in kind, have been playing great roles in the development of the economies of many developing countries. Remittances are now taking the lead after foreign direct investment in most aid recipient countries. Remittances are believed to remain a stable source of foreign exchange (Ratha 2003:163). They have great impact on the society at large and on the living standards of most remittance recipient households. Remittances can be classified as private development assistance because they are sent from individual migrants. At the same time, they are family welfare systems or safety nets that are delivered directly to the beneficiaries. Why do migrants remit? There are different theories of remittances that attempt to explain the act of remitting. Such theories range from an altruistic behaviour, which according to some studies about 75 percent of remitters claim to be motivated by enlightened-self interest, implicit family loan agreement and implicit co-insurance. The macro-economic determinants and the social networks also play a part in influencing the flow in volumes and frequencies of these moneys. Eritrea, as a country that has come out of protracted and devastating thirty years of war, started its development from meagre resources. In fact according to Randall (1995), in 1991 - the year Eritrea got its independence - 85 percent of its people were living on foreign aid whether in the form of remittances or food aid. During the armed struggle, the role of the Diaspora Eritreans was significant not only as financial support but also because they acted as spokespersons for the little-known struggle for independence. It was therefore imperative for Eritrea to rely heavily on its Diaspora population for their financial, technical and other material resources to rehabilitate its devastated economy. To regain sovereignty means a lot to Eritreans as a whole and to the Diaspora Eritreans in particular. After independence, hundreds of thousands of the Eritrean Diaspora flew to their country, met their families and visited different historical places. According to the ministry of Tourism of the State of Eritrea, more than 70,000 Diaspora Eritreans visit the country annually, which means a sustainable level of tourism development can be achieved. The Diaspora also initiated different projects. The study has come to realise that indeed there are different projects that are sponsored by the Eritrean Diaspora in concern of their immediate families, communities and investments for their potential profits. Although it is difficult to put it in terms of figures or percentiles, some estimates put the annual remittances received by Eritreans to be between 200 - 300 million US dollars. Remittances, whether consumed or invested, are estimated to contribute enormously to the Eritrean economy, which roughly estimated is 19-37 percent of GDP. As in the case of Mexico, remittances' trickling down effect is 3:1 (Adelman and Taylor 1990 as cited in Ratha, 2003). Likewise, the developmental effect of remittances in the Eritrean economy is also estimated no less, if not more. Furthermore, the Government of the State of Eritrea implemented different policy measures to ease the flow of remittances and to guide the individual remitter in the use of these financial resources in the domestic economy. Different investment opportunities such as housing projects, sale of shares and stocks of government owned enterprises and treasury bonds are to mention but a few. Similarly, the government, to augment the Martyrs' Trust Fund and to increase the tax base of the economy, introduced directives plus nominal tax rates to the Diaspora Eritreans. Institutionalising Diaspora Eritreans and securitization of the future-flow of remittances also helped the government to get access to international markets, to avoid credit rationing in the face of deteriorating sovereign risks. The dissertation attempts to capture the role of remittances as development tools in the Eritrean economy. After introducing the geopolitical and economic background history of the country in chapter one, in chapter two attempts are made to cover extensively the definitions, uses and drawbacks of remittances. In chapter the different theories or determinants of remittances and the transfer channels and their associated problems are described. In chapter four endeavours are made to assess the different policy measures applied by labour exporting countries to influence the flow of remittances and their uses. For comparison of these policies, three countries experiences are presented. Finally in chapter five the paper tries to draw conclusions and advance some recommendations. / Thesis (M.A.)-University of KwaZulu-Natal, Pietermaritzburg, 2005.

In this master thesis the reasons, tendencies and outcomes of the labour migration in Lithuania have been analysed. According the data of different researches carried out in Lithuania, almost 90% of people depart abroad due to financial reasons. This research may contribute to revealing the deep reasons and motives of labour migration, and its founding might be used dealing with the problem how to recapture the emigrants to Lithuania, and how to suppress a flow of emigrants from our country.

Thesis (Ph. D.)--University of Wisconsin--Madison, 2001. / eContent provider-neutral record in process. Description based on print version record. Includes bibliographical references (p. 164-173).

A number of studies by academics, scholars and researchers have been conducted on the subject of remittances. The focus of these studies has been on developing countries where remittance corridors have long been established. These studies have focused more on the effects of remittances at micro level, in other words poverty alleviation as result of the decline of FDI; PI and ODA. Established remittance corridors are found in Asia, the Pacific Rim, the Middle East, South America, the Caribbean, West Africa as well as North Africa. Few studies have been conducted into new emerging corridors that are still being established, such as the South Africa-Zimbabwe, Botswana-Zimbabwe and the Namibian-Zimbabwe corridors where a large number of Zimbabweans have migrated to. Economic growth and development are major challenges facing developing countries due to lack of finance. With the decline of FDI, PI, ODA as well as credit since the global financial crisis in 2008, there is a need for research to determine other alternative sustainable sources of finance to enable economic growth and development. Available literature and empirical evidence on the subject matter suggest remittances as a complementary source not a substitute of FDI, PI, ODA and credit. This means that governments in developing countries should not neglect their duty to collect revenue, should promote FDI and PI and not be dependant solely on remittances. Like FDI, PI and ODA, the flow of remittances is also determined by the socio-economic and political factors. Any negative effect on the socio-economic and political factors may also lead to the decline of remittance flows. Whilst other developing countries in established remittance corridors have put policies and systems in place to harness and ensure maximum benefits of remittances, countries such as Zimbabwe have not done much to realise potential and the impact that remittances can make. This is evidenced from the lack of reliable data which according to Chami et al. (2008:21) places severe constraints on the types of questions that can be asked and conclusions that can be drawn from statistical analyses. Secondly, emigration from Zimbabwe can be regarded to be in its infancy stage compared countries like Nigeria and Egypt where migration to developed countries has reached maturity stage. The evidence of this is seen on the volume of remittances currently being received by these two countries. Therefore, this study will complement existing data and literature available particularly on this corridor. Remittances are channelled either through formal or informal channels. The literature available and empirical evidence suggests that the bulk of remittances are channelled through informal channels as opposed to formal channels (Crush et al.,2012:20). Within the South Africa-Zimbabwe corridor, 85 percent of remittances to Zimbabwe are channelled informally (von Burgsdorff, 2012: 17) and are not captured in the official statistics such as the Balance of Payments. The drawback of this is lack of accurate data which precludes more rigorous statistical analysis in this field (von Burgsdorff, 2010:12). This study will endeavour to capture valuable statistics with regards to remittances. Most developing countries that have relied on aid are also burdened with huge unsustainable external debts (Obasanjo, 2000). The external debts continue to have an adverse effect of slowing down economic growth and development as these countries have an obligation to pay back the debts. Settling of external debts has been one of the biggest challenges facing developing countries. With the rise of remittances, Olubiyi (2013:1) sees them as a replacement to credit to a country that is constrained. Instead of borrowing finance for growth and development, remittances can be used instead. Apart from substituting credit with remittances, countries which are not burdened with external debts are able to use remittances as a leverage to obtain foreign loans (Taylor, 1999:69). The loans acquired can used for supplementing revenue derived from the fiscus and other sources of external finance such as FDI, PI and ODA.

Migrant labourers who cross borders often have to send money back to their various countries of origin. These monetary transfers are known as remittances. To send these funds migrants often opt to rely on informal mechanisms as opposed to the remittance services of formal financial institutions such as banks. Informal remittance mechanisms raise a number of concerns such as those related to consumer protection. In contrast to formal channels informal channels are not based on any legally binding agreements. They are highly based on trust and do not offer any legally binding guarantee that the funds will be delivered or that the remitter will be reimbursed in the event of non-delivery. Aside from consumer protection concerns, informal remittances also raise security related concerns. These channels are not subject to the supervision of any regulatory authority and usually offer a high level of anonymity. They can act as an attractive mechanism for terrorists and criminal organisations to launder and mobilise their illicit funds. Taking into mind the concerns mentioned above, as well as others, it would be preferable for more remittances to be channelled through formal financial mechanisms. In conducting research on remittance transactions financial, as well as other institutions and organisations, have outlined legal and regulatory provisions in sending and recipient countries as being a factor that often hinders migrants from accessing formal financial services. This dissertation examines how the South African legal and regulatory framework affects the formalisation of remittances by migrant labourers, with a focus on the context of low-income migrants. The study identifies the Exchange control, immigration, anti-money laundering and anti-terrorism legislative provisions as being the most significant provisions that affect the formalisation of migrant remittances. So as to make an analysis and gather recommendations were possible, a comparison of the South African legal and regulatory provisions is made to those of Zambia and Zimbabwe. xiii The dissertation comes to the conclusion that South African legal and regulatory provisions hinder the formalisation of migrant remittances to a certain extent. They do so by collectively and individually restricting migrants who do not fulfil legislative requisites from accessing formal remittance channels. It is submitted that such migrants are inclined to rely on informal remittance mechanisms when the need to send money arises. Furthermore, South African law restricts competition within the remittance market by making it difficult for service providers to enter the market. The lack of an adequate competitive level fosters the prevalence of high remittance costs which can pose a significant barrier to low income migrants that wish to channel funds via formal means. Taking into mind the significance of formalising remittances as well as the objectives that the laws that hinder them seek to attain, which are equally significant, it is necessary for the regulatory authorities to investigate ways on how to possibly cater for both. It is submitted that if more remittances were to be channelled through official means the objectives sought to be attained by some of these legislative provisions would be attained more efficiently.

The exile visual art scene in Bohemia and its subsequent activities abroad, 1933-1945 The development of the political situation in Germany during the thirties of the 20th century, when the Nazi Party was radicalizing and Adolph Hitler's power gradually became unlimited, meant a danger not only for the political opponents of Nazism. Artists who work didn't meet the criteria of the new aesthetic or even engaged in its detriment, had to seek for asylum. The First Czechoslovak Republic became one of these refuges. The Czech-German art scene was a significant aid for the integration of the refugees into the society. Some of its personalities returned to their birthplace for similar reasons as anti-Nazi refugees. Czech-German conditions provided to emigrants an opportunity for active continuing of the struggle against Nazi regime, also with a backward impact in Germany. But the support by the Czech population and the state went through series of changes under pressure of Nazi German government and the growing influence of the Sudeten areas. Artists with the status of refugees were obliged to follow a set of state regulations and orders, which often bureaucratically confined their creative activity. Nevertheless, some of their artworks, contacts and memories show their positive attitude to the Czech...