‘The Swedish model’ is a term which has a long history in the Swedish political debate. In recent years, the term has often been contested in terms of what it actually means; it has even been accused of being inherently meaningless. The purpose of this thesis is thus to examine how meaning is constructed in relation to the Swedish model through examining statements by the party leaders of the two biggest Swedish parties, the Social Democrats and the Moderates, during 2009, 2014 and 2018. Through applying aspects of the theoretical framework laid out by Ernesto Laclau and Chantal Mouffe to articulations of the Swedish model in party leader debates in the Swedish parliament, chains of equivalence and discourses centered around nodal points are constructed. A distinction can be drawn between several discourses, the threats to the model that they emphasize, and their construction of liberty and safety in relation to the Swedish model.

Made available in DSpace on 2014-06-12T23:13:41Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 2 arquivo3384_1.pdf: 867123 bytes, checksum: fe89fdad5938f4de78df413d813c856a (MD5) license.txt: 1748 bytes, checksum: 8a4605be74aa9ea9d79846c1fba20a33 (MD5) Previous issue date: 2011 / Conselho Nacional de Desenvolvimento Científico e Tecnológico / Neste trabalho buscamos investigar continuidades e descontinuidades da tradição marxista no pós-marxismo de Ernesto Laclau e Chantal Mouffe. Tomamos como ponto de partida a identificação de conceitos e formas discursivas oriundos do marxismo que são prolongados na transição para o enfoque pós-marxista. Para tanto, discutimos, primeiramente, a complexidade intrínseca à idéia de tradição marxista em diferentes momentos de sua história. Essa discussão permitiu apreender os debates e preocupações desenvolvidos no interior da tradição marxista que foram herdados pelo pós-marxismo, como a tentativa de combater o economicismo e afirmar a centralidade da política. O pós-marxismo também herda os dilemas políticos decorrentes da crise do marxismo e tenta repensar uma estratégia socialista na nova conjuntura do último quartel do século XX. Num segundo momento, abordamos as respostas à crise do marxismo que contribuíram para a constituição de um terreno pós-marxista e assinalamos como o grupo Socialismo ou Barbárie, a retomada do pensamento de Gramsci, as idéias de Derrida e a psicanálise exerceram forte influência sobre o enfoque de Laclau e Mouffe. Como desdobramento dessa análise, analisamos o desenvolvimento intelectual de Laclau e Mouffe e ressaltamos que há um contínuo diálogo crítico com a tradição marxista e um esforço no sentido de superar todo pressuposto essencialista inerente ao pensamento marxista. Por fim, investigamos de que maneira categorias oriundas do marxismo, como o materialismo, o antagonismo e a noção de hegemonia, como meio de repensar a estratégia socialista, são reelaboradas por Laclau e Mouffe, em que se definem como pós-marxistas. Nesta análise consideramos que, apesar dos autores tomarem tais categorias como ponto de partida, há uma ruptura com o pensamento de Marx na reformulação dessas categorias

本篇論文企圖探討史蒂芬‧佛瑞爾斯 ( Stephen Frears ) 的電影《美麗壞東西》( Dirty Pretty Things ) 中的公民權與人權之議題。片中描述從奈及利亞非法入境的奧奎 (Okwe) 與來自土耳其申請政治庇護的桑娜 (Senay) 因其游移的身分，遭逢英國政府監控與資本主義社會剝削，並揭露倫敦城市中非法難民販賣器官以求生存的黑暗面。本篇論文著重分析政治庇護者的矛盾身分如何擾亂民族國家的監視、暴露僅以公民權利保障境內人民的缺失，並主張唯有透過跨種族、階級，與性別的聯合 ( solidarity ) 才能對抗國家機制裡的矛盾與全球資本主義的剝削。論文第二章以德希達 ( Jacques Derrida ) 的制約款待 ( conditional hospitality )，與傅柯 ( Michel Foucault ) 的監視 ( Panopticon ) 概念，探討片中監控 ( surveillance ) 機制的形成。第三章引進布斯克與夏弗 (Alison Brysk and Gershon Shafir ) 提出公民權 (citizenship) 與人權 ( human rights ) 的差距，來揭發片中政治庇護者與外籍勞工在地主國 ( host countries ) 因為缺乏公民權而導致人權被忽視的困境。第四章從傅柯 ( Michel Foucault ) 的反抗 ( resistance ) 與拉克勞 ( Ernesto Laclau ) 與穆芙 ( Chantal Mouffe ) 的激進多元民主 ( radical plural democracy ) 的概念，探討以跨種族、階級，與性別的聯合 ( solidarity ) 來對抗國家制度本身的裂縫與經濟全球化的無情剝削。最後總結在全球化時代，唯有檢視國家制度的缺失，並揚棄封閉排他的意識形態，才能體現種族與文化的差異與多元性，並促進跨界聯合之實現。 / This thesis aims to explore the issue of citizenship and human rights in Stephen Frears’s Dirty Pretty Things. Dirty Pretty Things describes the British government’s surveillance on asylum seekers, such as Okwe, an illegal refugee from Nigeria, and Senay, the Turkish asylum applicant, and unveils illegal refugees’ organ trade in exchange for passports in London. The thesis attempts to decipher how the ambivalent status of asylum seekers disturbs the surveillance of nation-states, exposes the defect of the citizenship gap and argues only through solidarity among different ethnicity, class and gender, could the subordinated fight against deficiencies in the mechanism of nation-states and exploitation of global capitalism. Through the perspectives of Derrida’s conditional hospitality and Foucault’s Panopticon, Chapter Two examines the surveillance of nation-states on asylum seekers in Dirty Pretty Things. In Chapter Three, I adopt Brysk and Shafir’s analysis to explore the citizenship gap between citizenship and human rights in the film, which reflects the difficulty in handling the cases of legal and illegal asylum seekers in nation-states on the basis of citizenship in the era of globalization. In Chapter Four, I will utilize the perceptive of Foucault’s resistance and Laclau and Mouffe’s radical plural democracy to suggest how counter strategies and solidarity could rebel against fissures in nation-states’ apparatuses and reveal a new possibility of alliance beyond borders in the era of globalization. The last chapter concludes by summing up the gaps in the system of nation-states and rejecting any enclosed ideology so as to articulate multiplicities and differences beyond limitations of ethnicity, class and gender across borders in the era of globalization.